Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2011 with funding from
University of Toronto
http://www.archive.org/details/apuleiapologiasiOOapul
APVLEI APOLOGIA
SIVE
PRO SE DE MAGIA LIBER
WITH INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY
BY
H. E. BUTLER, M.A.
LATE FELLOW AND TUTOR OF NEW COLLEGE, OXFORD PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON
AND
A. S. OWEN, M.A.
TUTOR OF KEBLE COLLEGE, OXFORD
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1914
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY
HUMPHREY MILFORD, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY
IHE INSTITUTE OF R^'FCJArVy^L STUDIES 10 ELR/iSLiy FLACE 7Qt\Ot4TO 6, CANADA,
DEC 101931
PRINTED IN ENGLAND.
PREFACE
The present book is an attempt to provide a full critical and explanatory commentary on the Apologia of Apuleius. In spite of the intrinsic interest of the work, it has found no modern commentator. The text and commentary of Hildebrand (1842), though they are far from contributing nothing to our knowledge of Apuleius, are as a whole scarcely satisfactory. Since that date much work has been done on the text, language, and certain aspects of the subject-matter. But the results of these researches have never been collected or sifted, and many questions of interest have been left untouched. The present commentary endeavours to make good these deficiencies. The text and apparatus criticus are based on a fresh collation oiF^ while all MSS. anterior to 1469, the date of the appearance of the editio princeps, have been carefully examined. This examination, though it has to some extent broken new ground, has only con- firmed the prevailing view that all extant MSS. derive from F, The search has resulted in the discovery of a few readings of interest, but they must all be regarded as the conjectures of scholars of the Renaissance, though not a few of them forestall the emendations of scholars of
considerably later date.
iii • a 2
PREFACE
As regards orthography, certain changes have been made. In Helm's text the peculiarities and inconsis- tencies of the spelling of F are rightly presented. But this has been done once and for all, and in the present text the editors have for the sake of appearance attempted to introduce a little more uniformity of spelling. In a few- cases, where there is some reason to believe- that the unusual features may be due to the author himself, these peculiarities have been preserved. Elsewhere, without seeking an absolutely rigid consistency, the editors have attempted to give the text a somewhat more normal appearance.
The indebtedness of the editors to those who have been in the field before them will be evident from the notes, but they would make special reference to the debt which they and all subsequent editors of Apuleius must owe to the work of Rudolf Helm, whose text of the Apologia, Florida, and Metamorphoses marks an epoch in Apuleian criticism, and also to the exhaustive com- mentary of Abt on all passages in the Apologia which relate to magic. A short bibliography is appended in which are indicated the works consulted for the present edition. The editors would also express their especial gratitude to Dr. L. Purser, of Trinity College, Dublin, for his kindness in reading the proofs of the com- mentary and introduction, to both him and Mr. Ingram Bywater for the many helpful suggestions and criticisms they have made, and to Mr. de Zulueta, Reader in Roman Law at Oxford, for his assistance in the elucida- tion of legal difficulties.
iv
PREFACE
As regards the nature of the collaboration, though both editors have revised each other's work, the division of labour may roughly be stated as follows. Professor Butler is responsible for the chapters in the introduction dealing with the life and works of Apuleius and the MSS. of the Apologia^ for the text and apparatus criticus, and for those portions of the commentary which deal with textual questions and the subject-matter in general. Mr. Owen is responsible for the introductory chapter on the style and language of Apuleius and for the notes dealing with those same questions. He is also respon- sible for the majority of the notes dealing with passages relating to magic.
4Z.07
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction :
I. Life of Apuleius vii
II. The Works of Apuleius xxi
III. The MSS. of the Apologia and Florida . . . xxix
IV. The Style of the Apology xliv
SiGLA.
TEXT. ♦
Commentary i
Addenda 179
Bibliography 181
Indexes:
I. Names . .184
II. General 188
III. Grammatical 199
VI
ERRATA
P. xli, 1. 14 : Xo7ia is perhaps for Verona P. xlii, 1. 31 : delete At the end . . . /^09. P. xlviii, n. 3 : for uulpio read uolpio Sigla : delete M^=y[?ixc\2ix\us CI. 14. 34 P. 17, 1. 14 : for p. Iv ?'ead p. Ivii
141-31 Apulei Apologia To face p. vi
May igj^
INTRODUCTION
I. THE LIFE OF APULEIUS
Our authorities for the life of Apuleius are in the main the Apologia^ the Florida^ and the last book of the Metamorphoses} He has a passion for taking his audience into his confidence, and as a result it is not hard to reconstruct a considerable portion of his life. He was a native of Madaura, the modern Mdaurusch, a town loftily situated in the province of Africa above the beautiful valley of the Medjerda. The town was a flourishing Roman colony, and, to judge from the extent of its remains and from the inscriptions discovered on its site, was populous, rich, and highly Romanized.^ The family of Apuleius was among the wealthiest and most important in the town. His father attained to the position of duumuir, the highest municipal office,' and left his two sons the very con- siderable fortune of 2,000,000 sesterces/ As to the date of
1 See Rohde, Kl. Schriften, ii, p. 43; Schwabe, Pauly-Wissowa, Real- enc, s, V. Apuleius; Schanz, Gesch. der rom. Litt., §§ 553, 554; Purser, Cupid and Psyche, p. ix ; Vallette, L' Apologie d''Apul., p. 2. I cannot accept the view that the opening chapter of Met,, Bk. I, contains any indications of being autobiographical.
^ For descriptions of the site of Madaura see Gsell, Recherches arch^ol. en Alg^rie, pp. 293 sqq. ; Boissier, V Afrique rotnaine, p. 274. Apuleius does not mention Madaura by name in the Apologia, but the description suits Madaura (see c. 24). The only passages where Madaura is men- tioned in the works of Apuleius are Met. xi. 27, where Lucius speaks of himself as Madaurensis, though previously he has appeared as a Greek (see note 4, p. x), and in the ■n€pl ep/x-qveias c. 4 {ut si pro Apuleio dicas philosophum Platonicum Madaurenseni). Even if these passages be considered of doubtful significance, the point would be settled by August. Civ. Dei, viii. 14, where he is called Madaurensis. He is also so called in the subsoiptio to Apol., Bk. I (i.e. c. 65 ad fin.).
^ c. 24. * c. 23.
vii
INTRODUCTION
Apuleius' birth there is some uncertainty. But he was more or less a contemporary of Aemilianus Strabo, whom he claims as a fellow student.-^ Now Aemilianus Strabo was consul suffectus in a. d. 156,^ and is not likely to have been consul before the age of ^-t»'^ This places the birth of Apuleius as, at the most, but a few years later than a.d. 123. Further, the Apologia was delivered somewhere between the years a.d. 156- 8/ at which date Apuleius' wife Pudentilla was only a little over 40.^ Apuleius himself is frequently spoken of as iuuenis^ and was in any case considerably younger than his wife,*' of whose son he was an elder contemporary at the University of Athens.'^ But he was no longer in his first youth. He speaks as a man of wide experience. He had travelled much,^ and established a reputation as a writer and an orator." The estimate therefore which places his birth about a.d. 124 cannot be far wrong.^^ His name is commonly given as Lucius Apuleius, though the only authority for the praenomen is found
1 Flor. 16 comntemorauit inter nos iura amicitiae a commilitio studiorum eisdent magistris honeste incohata.
2 Act. Arv. anno 156 ; p. clxxi, Henzen.
3 See Mommsen, R, Staatsr. i. 473. Aemilianus Strabo may have been older than Apuleius, but the periods of their studies must have over- lapped.
* The speech was delivered before the proconsul Claudius Maximus, who was the successor of Lollianus Avitus (see c. 94). Lollianus was cos. ord. in 144 (see Borghesi, (Euvr. iv, 508 f,). At this period there was an interval of at least ten and usually thirteen years between con- sulate and proconsulate (see S. Waddington, Pastes des Pvov. Asiat., pp. 12 ff , 231 ; Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, i. 405-6). Therefore Lollianus was not proconsul before 154, and is most likely to have been proconsul in 157. The proconsulate of CI. Maximus therefore probably falls between a.d. 155 and 157. In any case the speech was delivered in the principate of Ant. Pius (d. 161) ; see c. 85.
5 c. 89.
^ iuuenis, see cc. 27, 70, 92 : maior natUj c. 27.
'^ c. 72. See Appendix on the age of Pontianus.
^ Apol. 23.
^ Apol. 36, 37, 55, 73. He was also clearly on fairly intimate terms with Lollianus Avitus, Claudius Maximus' predecessor in the proconsul- ship of Africa. Cp. c. 94.
^° See Rohde, op. cit,
viii
LIFE OF APULEIUS
in fourteenth and fifteenth century MSS. The Florentine MS. (Laur. 6S. 2), which is the source of all the rest, styles him Apuleius Platonicus Madaurensis^ and it is probable that the origin of the name Lucius is to be found in the curious identi- fication of himself with Lucius, the hero of the Metamorphoses} At an early age the young Apuleius was sent to Carthage,^ where more advanced education could be received than at his native town/ From Carthage, perhaps about a.d. 143, he proceeded to Athens to complete his education.^ There he studied philosophy, rhetoric, geometry, music, and poetry,® and laid the foundations of that encyclopaedic, if superficial, learning, which was his glory in after years. During this period {circa a.d. 143-50) he probably began those travels to which he refers in the Apologia? We know that he had visited
^ See App. Crit. c. 65 and at end of speech.
2 Met. xi. 27. The identification was actually accepted by Augustine. Cp. Civ. Dei xviii. 18,
^ Flor. 18 Ha mihi et patria in concilio Africae, id est uestro, et pueritia apud uos et magistri uos et seda, licet Athenis Atticis confirmataj tamen hie incohata est.
* Madaura had at any rate at a later date good schools. Cp- Augustine, Confess, ii. 3 mihi reducto a Madauris in qua uicina urbe iant coeperam litteraturae atqiie oratoriae percipiendae gratia peregrinari.
^ Flor, 20, which implies that he received instruction from litterator, grammaticus, and rhetor at Carthage, before going on to more advanced studies at Athens. The date of his visit to Athens cannot be exactly determined. A boy might proceed from rhetoric to philosophy as early as 14, but 16 or 17 was a more usual age, while there is evidence for as late an age as 20. See Rohde, op. cit., p. 51, whose notes I summarize : (Age 14) Athen. ap. Oribas. iii, pp. 162-4 (Dan). (Age 15) Galen, de ord. libr., vol. xix, p. 59 (Kuhn). (Age 16) Eunapius in Vit. soph., PP- 58, 74, 92 ; Augustine, Confess, ii. 3 ; Persius in Vit. Persii de comm. Prob. (Age 18) Kaibel, Epigr. 228, r. 2. (Age 20) Ulpian, Dig. xxvii, 2; 3 § 5- Cp. also Friedlander, Sitteng. iii, pp. 471, 645. As Apuleius was in Athens in all probability as late as a.d. 150 (vid. m/r.), 143 seems a suitable date. Five years' study at the University seems to have been a fairly normal period (cp. Gothofredus, cod. Theodos. xiv. 9, i ; Euna- pius in Vit. soph.., p. 92 f. ; Gregor. Thaumat. in Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 30). But Apuleius travelled much during this period and in any case longer periods of study are found, as might be expected. E. g. Greg. Naz. de vita sua, v. 239 ; Liban. i, p. 20. 15 (Reisk.) ; Augustine, /. c. See Rohde, op. cit. p. 52.
^ Flor. 20. '^ Apol. 23 longa peregrinatione et diutmis studiis.
ix
INTRODUCTION
Samos* and Hierapolis in Phrygia^ from casual allusions in the Florida and de Mundo. He remained in Athens long enough to become the friend and protector of a student much younger than himself, Pontianus the son of Pudentilla.^ This encounter was destined to have a remarkable sequel. Follow- ing these years of study at Athens must come his visit to Rome, which is alluded to in the Florida, and apparently described in the eleventh book of the Metamorphoses. While it is impossible to say precisely how far this strange book may be considered autobiographical, it can scarcely be doubted that it is so to a very large extent/ There is at any rate nothing impossible in the supposition that at Cenchreae he fell into the clutches
1 Flor. 15 5/ rede recordor utam. 2 dg M. 17 utuidi et ipse.
^ Apol. 72. Apuleius helped Pontianus in his studies, and his whole tone in speaking of him is that of an older man, just as that of Pontianus is the tone of a younger man. Cp. c. 97 me parentetn suum, me domtnum, me magistrum. It was common for a young student to put himself under the protection and direction of an older student. See Lehrs, de Arist. stud. Horn., p. 14, note i. The date can scarcely have been earlier than A. D. 150. Apuleius says {Apol., c. 72) non ita pridem. For the -age of Pontianus see Appendix to this chapter.
* He definitely styles himself Madaurensem {Met. xi. 27). If this reading is correct we can hardly deny a more or less complete identifi- cation of Apuleius with his hero Lucius. He had visited Rome {Flor. 17) and had been initiated into many mysteries {Apol. 55). The identification is extraordinary, for there is no hint elsewhere that Lucius is other than a native of Corinth. He has letters of introduction from Demeas of Corinth {Met. i. 22). He speaks of Corinth as apud nos {Met. ii. 12). It is presumably from Corinth that his friends come to Cenchreae {Met. xi. 18), and to Corinth that he returns for a few days' stay prior to his departure for Rome {ib. 26). On the other hand, though Corinth is literally his home, he never shows any interest in it, and curiously enough shows no intimate acquaintance with it or joy at revisiting it when he is brought there while still wearing the form of an ass. The stress laid on his financial straits at Cenchreae and his grief on leaving the priest at Cenchreae, all suggest that his home was more distant than Corinth, six miles away (x. 35). I do not regard any alteration of Madaurensetn as necessary. The only alteration that has the least plausibility is that of Mr. D. S. Robertson {Class. Quarterly, Oct. 1910, p. 221) mandare se religtosum, sed adtnodum, etc. The case is argued most ingeniously, but I am not convinced that the change is imperative. Apuleius is the most whimsical of authors and is a law to himself. The opening chapter of the first book of the Metam,orphoses cannot be regarded as possessing any biographical value. It is apparently pure fiction.
X
LIFE OF APULEIUS
of the priests of Isis, who played upon his superstition and curiosity to their hearts' content. He was first initiated into the mysteries of Isis.^ A few days after this event the goddess appeared to him in a vision and bade him set forth homeward.^ He subsequently took ship for Rome, where he dwelt, a fervent worshipper at the temple of Isis on the Campus Martius.' Once more visions of the night began to afflict him ; he con- sulted the priests and discovered the cause ; he required yet to be initiated into the mysteries of Osiris.* The priests of Cenchreae had worked upon his credulity to such good effect that he found himself in serious financial difficulties, but by prodigious efforts of economy he succeeded in scraping to- gether a sufficient sum to provide for the expense of this fresh initiation.^ But his troubles were not at an end. The Roman priests insisted on his being re-initiated into the mysteries of Isis. This time funds were not lacking to meet the expenses thus entailed. By practising as a rhetorician, he had succeeded in providing more than adequately for his needs.*' Apart from these possibly rather dubious details from the Metamorphoses^
^ Met, xi. 21-4. 2 ijj^ 24.
3 Ih. 26. He arrives on the eve of the Ides of December.
* lb. 27.
^ Met, xi. 28 postremo mssus, ueste ipsa mea guamuis paruula dtstracia, suffictenteyn conrasi summulant. This does not seriously conflict with the statement made by Apuleius in the Apologia (c. 23) that his patrimonium was ntodice imntinutum.. The account in Met, xi. is probably exaggerated, quite legitimately for the sake of effect, or we may suppose that Apuleius was unable to obtain ready money at that distance from his home.
^ Met. , 1. c. quae res . . . uictum uberiorem subntinistrabat, quidni, spiriiu fauentis Euentus quaesticulo forensi nutrito per patrocinia sermonis Romani. This is sometimes asserted to mean that he practised at the Roman bar. patrocinia sermonis Romani points rather to rhetoric, pure and simple. Rhetoric was, moreover, considered the more honourable profession by the * new sophists ' (cp. Rohde, Griech, Roman, p. 303). Further, we may compare the undoubted reference to rhetoric in Apol, 34 eloqueniiae patrociniutn. quaesticulo forensi (I.e.) and stipendiis forensibus {Met. xi. 30) are quite consistent with this view. Rhetoricians taught in the forum ; cp. Hieron. ad a. p. Chr. 352 ; Aus. Prof. Burd. iii. 7 ; August. Conf. i. 16 ; and also the words which follow Met. ix in i^ ' in foro Martis controuersiam declamans oratori Endelechio '. Cp. Helm, Introd. to Florida, pp. xiii, xiv.
xi
INTRODUCTION
the only reference made by Apuleius to his stay at Rome is in the Florida (c. 17), where in a discourse dehvered before Scipio Orfitus, proconsul of Africa, he alludes to the days when he frequented the company of Scipio's friends at Rome. On his return to Africa we lose sight of him till his arrival at Oea and the commencement of the curious drama set forth in the Apologia.
Whether he dwelt at Madaura or at Carthage we cannot say with certainty. Probability points to Carthage. Not only would Carthage give greater scope for the display of his peculiar talents, but we know from his own lips that he had made the acquaintance of Lollianus Avitus, the governor of the province.^ In any case the desire to travel seized him once again. He decided to visit Alexandria,^ and it was in the course of his journey thither that the crisis in his life occurred to which we owe the Apologia, For on his journey eastward he fell sick at Oea, the modern Tripoli. In this town there dwelt a wealthy lady, named Aemilia Pudentilla, the widow of Sicinius Amicus, by whom she had twa sons, Sicinius Pontianus and Sicinius Pudens. Pontianus was already the friend of Apuleius ; he had, as we have seen, made his acquaintance at Athens j an intimacy had sprung up between them, and they had lived under the same roof. Hearing, therefore, of Apuleius' mishap, he called on him at the house of the Appii, friends with whom he was lodging.^ The reason for Pontianus' visit was somewhat remarkable. It was more than a visit of courtesy. His grandfather had been anxious that Pudentilla should take a second husband in the person of his son and her brother-in-law, Sicinius Clarus, and with this end in view threatened to exclude her sons, whose guardian he was, from the possession of their father's property
1 Apol. 94.
2 ApoL 72. The fact that he came to Oea en route proves that he was travelh'ng from some African town.
3 Apol. 72.
xii
LIFE OF APULEIUS
if she married elsewhere. She therefore suffered herself to be betrothed to Sicinius Clarus, described by Apuleius as a boorish and decrepit old man, but put off her marriage until her father-in-law's death relieved her from all embarassment.^ Pontianus and Pudens succeeded to the property, and Puden- tilla felt herself free to take a husband of her own choice.'^ She wrote to Pontianus, who was pursuing his studies at Rome,^ to inform him of her intentions. Pontianus was disturbed by the news. The property left to himself and Pudens by their grandfather was small, and all his expectations of wealth depended on the ultimate inheritance of his mother's fortune, no inconsiderable sum (4,000,000 sesterces).'* He was therefore most anxious that his mother should marry an honest man, who might reasonably be expected to treat his stepsons fairly, and with this in view he hastened from Rome to his native town. At this point Apuleius was detained at Oea. Pontianus saw in him a heaven-sent stepfather, and it was with this in his mind that he called on Apuleius. He did not declare his intentions at once. He contented himself with dissuading Apuleius from pursuing his journey till the next winter came round, and persuaded him to come and stay at his mother's house.^ Apuleius accepted the offer and their old intimacy revived. At last a suitable occasion offered for the declaration of Pontianus' wishes. Apuleius had given a public lecture at Oea. His audience broke into frenzied applause and begged Apuleius to become a citizen of their town. When the audience were gone, Pontianus took Apuleius aside, and saying that the popular enthusiasm was a sign from heaven, entreated him to marry Pudentilla.^ After much
1 Apol. 68. Pontianus was thus left his brother's guardian,
2 Apol. 69. She was moved to do so not only by the loneliness of her life, but by ill health and medical advice.
3 ApoL 69.
* Apol. 71. Of this sum she actually owed a considerable amount to her sons, though they had no security for it, relying, naturally enough, on her word alone. ^ Apol. 72, 3. ^ Apol. 73.
xiii
INTRODUCTION
deliberation Apuleius consented, though the lady was neither fair to view nor young/ She had been a widow for more than thirteen years ^ and was now over forty. ^ Soon, however, he began to love Pudentilla for her own sake; her virtues and intelligence won his heart and overcame his desire for further travel. The marriage was duly solemnized in a country house belonging to the bride. "* But it brought Apuleius no peace. Sicinius Aemilianus, another brother of her first husband, and Herennius Rufinus, the disreputable father-in-law of Pontianus,^ were both up in arms. Rufinus had hoped, through his son- in-law, to reap a rich harvest from Pudentilla's fortune ; Aemilianus resented the treatment of his brother, Sicinius Clarus. They sought, therefore, how they might have their revenge. Their first step was to win Pontianus and Pudens to their side.^ This they succeeded in doing in spite of the generous treatment accorded by Apuleius to his stepsons.' Pontianus fell sick and died before they could carry out their designs. He had, moreover, repented of his baseness to his former friend, though death prevented him from showing what his repentance was worth. ^ Pudens, however, a mere boy,
1 Apol. 73. 2 j^poi 68.
^ Apol. 89. The accusers asserted that she was 60, after which age women were forbidden to marry ; see note ad loc.
* Apol. 88. The accusers objected to the fact that she was not married at Oea. For the significance of this charge see note ad loc.
^ Apol. 74 sqq.
^ It was apparently only after Pontianus' marriage (which took place shortly before the marriage of Apuleius) that he broke with Apuleius. See c. 77. Pontianus is already married when Rufinus approaches him on the subject. Pudens only comes into prominence after Pontianus' death, when he fell fully under Rufinus' influence. See c. 98.
'' The terms of the marriage settlement were that if the wedding proved childless the whole dos should go to Pontianus and Pudens ; but if Pudentilla left one son or one daughter of the second marriage sur- viving her, half the property should go to that child, while Pontianus and Pudens received the remainder (cc. 91 sqq.). Further, at a later stage after Pontianus' death, Apuleius persuaded Pudentilla much against her inclination to draw up a will making Pudens her sole heir.
8 Apol, 94.
xiv
LIFE OF APULEIUS
was completely under the thumb of Aemilianus and Rufinus,* and a number of more or less serious charges were brought against Apuleius in his name.
The proconsul, Claudius Maximus {circa a. d. 156-8),'^ was holding his assize at Sabrata, the modern Sabratta, lying on the coast some forty miles west of Oea. Apuleius had proceeded thither to defend an action brought by the brothers Granius against his wife Pudentilla.' Suddenly, without warning, Aemilianus unmasked his batteries, and, with his own lips and through his advocates'*, accused Apuleius not only of using magic to win the heart of Pudentilla, but of having murdered his stepson Pontianus and appropriated the fortune of Pudentilla. Under what circumstances these charges were brought forward is not clear. Aemilianus may have been directly concerned in the suit brought by the brothers Granius, and the charges may have been first produced to damage Apuleius as his wife's advocate.^ Be this as it may, within four or five days'*' Apuleius was indicted for the practice of the black art, and was incidentally accused of being a fop' and a debauchee,' who had married his elderly wife solely for the sake of her money.
The charge of murder was dropped,^ and Aemilianus sheltered himself behind the youthful Pudens, who was too young to plead in person. Aemilianus therefore appeared as his representative.^" Apuleius represents himself as wholly unprepared for such an indictment." But he shows singularly little embarrassment in dealing with the charges brought against
^ ApoL 98. After Pontianus' death he betook himself to the house of Aemilianus, who, according to Apuleius, did everything to deprave him, while Rufinus designed to marry him to his daughter, the widow of Pontianus, c. 97.
2 See note on CI. Maximus, c. i. ^ Apol. i.
* and ^ paironi ems (c. i) suggests the possibility that the Granii were the patroni in question. See note ad loc.
^ dies quintus an sextus est (c. i).
' Apol. 4 sqq., 13. ^ ApoU 9sqq. ^ Apol. 2.
'^^ Apol. a. Cp. also c. 85 et nondum poenae, iant iniuriae sufficit.
^^ He had, however, already been attacked by Pontianus and Rufinus on this ground; cp. c. 82.
XV
INTRODUCTION
him. That the charge was false may be regarded as almost certain. It is probable enough that Apuleius may on occasion have practised magic : his insatiable curiosity may have led him to experiment in this direction, and his subsequent repu- tation does something to confirm these suspicions.^ But the specific charges of magic on this occasion were frivolous and absurd, and he has little difficulty in disposing of them. He found also incidentally an opportunity for a flamboyant display of the learning of which he was so proud. In the first portion of the speech ^ he plays with his accusers, mocking them from the heights of his superior learning. In the second portion,' where he defends his marriage with Pudentilla and justifies his dealings with his stepsons, he clears himself in good earnest — nay, does more than clear himself, for he unveils in the most merciless fashion the villany of his accusers, the base ingratitude of his stepsons, and the unspeakable turpitude of Rufinus. The speech is one of the most remarkable in existence. While portions of it make us laugh quite as much at Apuleius as with him, it is, as a whole, an admirable piece of pleading. And there is probably no speech which throws such a flood of light on the private life and the intellectual atmosphere of its time. Apuleius reveals himself as a perfect specimen of the 'new sophist', while the picture given of provincial life is vivid to the last degree. Without in any way pressing the comparison, it is not unjust to say that only the Pro Cluentio of Cicero can vie with it in the vivacity of its portraiture and its revelations of domestic life.
That Apuleius was acquitted cannot be doubted. His case speaks for itself, and the publication of the speech was probably, in a sense, a cry of triumph over his defeated adversaries. But it is noteworthy that we hear no more of him at Oea, where at the time of his trial he had resided for three years. This
* See p. xviii. ^ ^c. 1-65, styled Book I in the~ MSS.
3 cc. 66-end, Book II in MSS.
xvi
LIFE OF APULEIUS
distressing family quarrel must have left much bitterness behind it, while Augustine^ mentions a dispute with the inhabitants of Oea on the question of the erection of a statue in his honour. Be this as it may, when we next hear of him, not long after, he is at Carthage, enjoying the highest renown as philosopher, poet, and rhetorician. It was during this residence at Carthage that he delivered many of those fantastic declama- tions of which fragments have been preserved in the Florida. Of these excerpts a few can be dated. The seventeenth is written during the proconsulate of Scipio Orfitus in a. d. 163-4.^ The ninth contains a panegyric of the proconsul Severianus, who must have held office some time during the joint reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, a. d. 161-9,^ The sixteenth refers to Aemilianus Strabo, who was consul, suffectus in A.D. 156, and was perhaps at the time of Apuleius' speech proconsul designate of Africa. His proconsulate cannot be dated with certainty, but probably falls between a. d. 166 and 170.* Only one further indication of date is found in the works of Apuleius. In the eighteenth excerpt he says that the Carthaginians have been familiar with his declamations both in Greek and Latin for the past six years. As his first known appearance in public at Carthage was before LoUianus Avitus, the predecessor of Claudius Maximus, this passage may perhaps be dated five years after the delivery of the Apologia^
Apuleius won more than mere applause. Carthage decreed
^ Ep. 138. 19. 2 Q^ /^ i^^ viii, 24.
^ This is proved by the mention oi fauor Caesarum {Flor. 9).
* Cp, fragment of acta Arualium^ p. clxxi, Henzen. The proconsulate was generally held 10-13 years after consulate. Serius Augurinus, cos. ord. in 156, was proconsul of Africa a.d. 169, 170 (cp. Waddington, Bullett. deir Instit., 1869, p. 254), which suggests that Aemilianus followed him rather than preceded him. Aemilianus Strabo was a contemporary of Apuleius and probably an African. He had at any rate studied eisdem magistris {Flor. 16). In the same excerpt he is spoken of as breui uotis omnium futurus proconsul^ which ma3^ possibly mean that he was already designated proconsul.
* uox mea utraquv lingua iani uestris auribus ante pro ximum sexennium probe cognita.
141-81 xvii b
INTRODUCTION
a statue in his honour, and Aemilianus Strabo promised to erect another.^ He was also appointed to the chief-priesthood of the province,^ an office which entitled its holder to the first place in the provincial council, and was the highest honour that the province could bestow. Civil office he never held, perhaps never sought.^ His genius was probably far from fitting him for judicial or administrative functions.. If we may trust Apollinaris Sidonius ^ Pudentilla showed herself a model wife by the passionate interest she took in her husband's work- It is even possible that she bore him a son, as the second book of the de Dogmate Platonis is dedicated to ' my son Faustinus '.^ Of his death we know nothing. Testimony as to his appear- ance is conflicting. His accusers charge him with being a ' handsome philosopher \^ He replies that his body is worn with the fatigues of study and that his hair is tangled as a lump of tow ! '^
References to Apuleius and his works are not frequent out- side the pages of Augustine. Apollinaris Sidonius speaks of ponderis Apuleiani fulmen.^ Macrobius alludes casually to his powers as a romancer,^ and we learn from Capitolinus ^° that the pretender Clodius Albinus was passionately devoted to him, while Christodorus in his eKtfypaa-tq hails him with awe as a sage," and his peculiarities of style and diction make him
^ Fhr. 1 6. 2 Flor. i6 suscepU sacerdotii,
3 See note on Apol. 24 splendidissima colonia.
* Epist. ii. 10. 5. ^ See also p. xxiv.
6 Apol. 4 ad init. A portrait with the inscription Apuleius is pre- served on a contorniate at Paris. But it is probably imaginary. See Bernouilli, Rom. Ikon. i. 284-6. A reproduction is in Purser's Cupid and Psyche, facing p. ix.
' lb. ad fin. ^ Apollin. Sid. Epist, iv. 3. i.
^ Cotnm. in Somn. Scip. i. 2. 8.
^° Capitol. Clod. Alb. xii. 12. Severus writing to the senate says maior fuit dolor, quod ilium pro litterato laudandum plerique duxisiis, cunt ille neniis quibusdam anilibus occupatus inter Milesias Punicas Apulei sui et ludicra litter aria consenesceret.
11 The passage refers to a statue of Apuleius at Byzantium. Anth. Pal. ii. 303 KoX I'oep^s d<p$(yKTa AariviSos opyia Movarjs | d^(TO rraiTTaivcoy
xviii
LIFE OF APULEIUS
a happy hunting-ground for the grammarians. But that his fame lived after him to an extraordinary extent is abundantly clear from the works of Augustine. The saint was well acquainted ^ with the works of his compatriot, and was not at all certain that he had not actually been transformed into the shape of an ass.^ Be that as it may, he thinks it necessary to warn the faithful against those who would extol the wonder- worker of Madaura as a thaumaturge whose powers surpassed those of Christ.^ For Apuleius lived through the ages no less as a wizard than as a philosopher. The Dark Ages made Vergil a sorcerer long after his death, but Apuleius attained this unenviable reputation with far greater celerity. To such an extent did his fantastic identification of himself with Lucius, the hero of his novel, outweigh his elaborate refutation of the charge of magic in the Apologia. But after all who knows that he would not have revelled in this unexpected form of renown ?
H. E. B.
Appendix on the Ages of Pudentilla, Pontianus,
and pudens.
Pudentilla at the time of the trial (a. d. 155-8) was slightly over 40.'' She must therefore have been about 38 at the time of her marriage with Apuleius.^ She had been about fourteen
'ATToX^iO? ovTiva fxvarrjv \ Avaovts dpprjTov aotpirjs kOp^if/aio XeiprjV. Lydus, de Ost. 44, styles him o (xeyas 'Anov^rjios.
^ de Deo Socratis, Cw. Dei viii. 14 ; Apologia, ibid. viii. 19 ; Met. see next note.
2 Civ. Dei xviii. 18 sicut Apuleius in libris, quos Asini aurei titulo inscripsit, sibi ipse accidisse ut . . . asinusfieret, aut indicauit aut finxit.
' Epist. 136 Apollonium quidem suum nobis et Apuleium aliosque niagicae artis homines in niedium proferunt, quorum maiora contendunt extitisse miracula ; Epist. 138 conferre Christo uel etiam praeferre conantur. See also Epist. 102, quaest. 6. 32.
* c. 89.
^ At the time of the trial Apuleius had been three years at Oea (c 55). He had arrived in the winter (c. 72) and after many days {niuliis diebus) was persuaded by Pontianus to move to Pudentilla's house. After a
xlx b 2
INTRODUCTION
years a widow .'^ She was therefore left a widow about the age of 24. The average age of marriage for women was at this period about 14.^
Pontianus was living at Rome shortly before the time of Apuleius' arrival at Oea and is described as adultus ^ and uxori idonens?" Assuming his mother to have married at the age of 14-15, he cannot have been much older than 23 when he married the daughter of Rufinus shortly before Pudentilla's marriage to Apuleius.^ Neither, on the other hand, is he likely to have been under 21, which seems to have been the age of marriage for men.'' He was therefore born at some date not far from the years a. d. 134-5, which would make him about 15 or 16 when he resided with Apuleius at Athens circa A.Ti. iso."^ Soon after Apuleius' marriage he went to Carthage to. practise his. powers of oratory ^ and not long after died.^
Pudens was much younger, for he. assumed the toga uirilis about the time of Pudentilla's wedding.^** The admission to the ranks of manhood usually took place about the age of 14 or 15," but might be, and in this case probably was, • later. Apuleius always lays stress on the extreme youth of Pudens, and hints that he assumed the toga at an unduly early age. But as a matter of fact he can scarcely have been less than 18 at the time of the trial.^^ H. E. B.
3^ear's residence there he fell in love with Pudentilla (c. 73 anno perpeti) and was married soon after (c. 73 uix ab eo tantulatn moram impetranms).
1 c. 68 per annos ferme XIV meniorahili pietate sedulo aluit might mean that she had been nearly fourteen years a widow when she began to contemplate a second marriage. But o ingrati XIV anni uididtaiis (c. 85") shows that the fourteen years refer to the full period of her widowhood.
2 Friedlander, Sittengesch. i. 551. ^ c. 69. * c. 70.
^ c. 88 adinit. ^ See Rohde, KL Schr. ii, p. 46, note. "^ See p. viii.
^ c. 94 tirocinium oraiionis suae. ^ c. 96.
^^ Apuleius is inconsistent in his statement as to the date of the cere- mony. At one point (c. 88. 5, 6, note) he puts it before Pudentilla's marriage, at another (c. 98, note) after Pontianus' death : in any case, whichever statement we regard as true, it will make under a year's difference.
^^ Marquardt, Privat/eb., pp. 127 sqq.
^2 Apuleius' suggestion that Pudens' admission was premature (c. 98)
XX
WORKS OF APULEIUS
il, THE WORKS OF APULEIUS
A. Extant Works.
1. As to the date^ and contents of the Aj>o/ogia sufficient has been said in the chapter on the hfe of Apuleius, while the details of the style are dealt with in a subsequent chapter. A few words, however, as to its general characteristics may not be out of place here. The speech stands alone among the extant works of Apuleius. For it shows him confronted with a practical problem. Circumstances force him to appear as a genuine human being after a preliminary display as the declamatory and romantic cro(^to-T?is during a considerable portion of the speech. As a result, though the speech contains at least its fair portion of declamation, * bunkum ', and bombast, it has a human as well as a stylistic interest, and the style for all its extravagant Asianism is far less distant from the classical style of oratory than we might have expected from the author of the Golden Ass and the Florida. In this speech Apuleius is fighting a capital charge. If his adversaries' case was trivial, he at least brought heavy artillery to bear on it ; and, after he has concluded his fantastic displays of ill-digested learning in the first half of the speech, he speaks like a man and with real indignation, and the reader realizes that he could be something more than a golden ass !
2. The Metamorphoses^ commonly called the ' Golden Ass V
cannot be taken very seriously, for in c. 70 he quotes Pudentilla to the effect that Pudens was uirili togae idoneus. Further, we must remember that this statement is taken from a letter to Pontianus written before Apuleius' arrival at Oea. He was therefore probably about 16 when he assumed the toga uirilis, and about 18 at the time of the trial.
1 Whether the Apologia is the earliest of his extant works cannot be positively asserted. But there is nothing to prevent it.
2 It is the Asinus Aureus by the time of Augustine, and the name may have been given by Apuleius. See note 2 on p. xix. Cp. Civ. Dei xviii. 18.
xxi
INTRODUCTION
is a novel in eleven books. It is on this remarkable work that Apuleius' chief claim to fame must be based. The episode of Cupid and Psyche alone would have sufficed to make it famous. But from beginning to end there is not a dull page. The adventures of Lucius, whether in human or asinine shape, present the most infinite variety, and the fantastic, highly coloured, and poetical style serves to accentuate the romance. This is not the place to discuss the many problems presented by the work as a whole. It is sufficient here to say that, like most of Apuleius' writings, it is not original as far as the main theme is concerned. The story is unquestionably derived either from the lost Metamorphoses of Lucius of Patras,^ or from the extant Aoi^Ktos r) 6Vos falsely attributed to Lucian. It has been much disputed which of these two works was Apuleius' original. In the opinion of the present writer, both the Metamorphoses of Apuleius and the AouVtos of the pseudo- Lucian are derived from the lost work of Lucius of Patras.^ But a detailed discussion of this complicated problem would be out of place here and must be deferred to a later occasion. The question of the date of the novel does to some extent concern us here. Did it precede or follow the Apologia ? It has been held (e. g. by Purser in his admirable edition of the Cupid and Psyche) that it is the earlier work of the two. There are no definite arguments to be urged in support of this view. The two chief considerations which have given rise to this view are derived (a) from the style, ifi) from the subject-matter. The freshness and exuberance of the style and narrative certainly suggest the work of a young man ; but he would be a bold man who should assert that they were beyond the
1 Photius, Bibl. cod. 129 ; p. 96** 12 Bekker.
2 So Goldbacher {Zeitschr. fiir osterr. Gytnn., xxiii (1872), p. 323 and p. 403") ; Burger, de Lticio PatrensK^^xYxn, 1887) ; Rothstein, Quaesiiones Lucianeae (Berlin, 1888). The opposite view is held by Rohde, Uber Lukian's Schrift Aoutftor r\ ovos (Leipz. 1869). See too Klein,- Schrift. ii, p. 70. So too Teuffel, Studien iiitd Charaktertstiken, p. 572 (Leipz. ^, 1889).
xxii
WORKS OF APULEIUS
capacity of a man of middle age. The second argument is more serious. In the eleventh book of the Metamorphoses Apuleius identifies the hero Lucius with himself. He started as a Greek, he ends as Madaurensis} In this book he describes with great vividness, as though the remembrance were still fresh on him, how he was initiated into the mysteries of Isis and Osiris at Corinth and Rome. Now in the Apologia he speaks of himself as initiated into many mysteries.^ It is argued therefore that the Metamorphoses precedes the Apologia. But all that the argument proves is that the initiations referred to preceded the Apologia. The account may easily be later. Further, there are two very serious arguments against this view. {a) If the Metamorphoses were already in existence, it is hard to believe that no use would have been made of them by Apuleius' accusers. Apuleius identifies himself with the hero, and the hero throughout the story shows quite a culpable interest in magic. Had such a work been published before the Apologia^ it must have made Apuleius famous. But the Apologia con- tains not a hint of its existence. It has been suggested that he may have published it anonymously. It is hard to see why he should have done so, and even this hypothesis is difficult in view of the second argument, {b) In the opening chapter of the Metamorphoses the hero claims to be descended on the mother's side from the philosopher Sextus, the nephew of Plutarch. Now Sextus was still living, though a very old man,^ in A. D. 1 60, and it seems scarcely hkely that Apuleius would have made Lucius claim kinship with Sextus during the latter's lifetime. This consideration points to a much later date for the novel, nearer a. d. 180 than to the date of the Apologia.
3. T\iQ Florida are excerpts from the declamations of Apuleius. They are for the most part written in a highly
1 Met. xi. 27. 2 ApoL 55.
^ See Helm, Preface to Florida, pp. viii, ix. The above argument is implied in his discussion, though his statement of the case is more elaborate, and in my opinion somewhat irrelevant.
xxiii
. INTRODUCTION
inflated and extravagant style, and show Apuleius in the character of the professional o-o^^icrrr]^. The subjects with which they deal are very various. Some are from speeches on specific public occasions. Others contain moralizations, legends, or picturesque stories. One describes the main characteristics of the parrot, while another, commonly included in the Florida, claims to be an improvisation and tells th^ familiar fable of the fox and crow.^ One and all are trivial, and most are grotesque, but there is at least one passage which for excellence of style will compare with anything in Apuleius.^ These excerpts are divided into four books. This division is, however, so unsystematic and ill- proportioned that it is probably no more than an indication of the original division of Apuleius' collected declamations and orations, which were, we may infer, grouped in four books. A few of these excerpts can be dated.^ These are all sub- sequent to the Apologia^ and it is noticeable that several of them show that Apuleius had attained to a very considerable position ^ by the time of their delivery.
4. The de Dogmate Platofiis consists of two books, in which Apuleius, who prided himself on being a Platonist, attempts to set forth the philosophy of his master. He professes to follow the Platonic division of philosophy into Physics, Ethics, and Dialectic. The first book deals with the life of Plato and his theory of the universe. The second, dedicated to 'my son Faustinus ', deals with Ethics. The MSS. containing these two books break off at this point, and it is generally assumed that the third book was never written or has been lost.^ In no
^ Speeches on public occasions, i, 9, 16, 17, 18; moralizations, 2, 6, 7, II, 13, 21, 22, 23 ; fox and crow, D. Socr. prol. ; parrot, 12 ; picturesque stories, 3, 4, 14, 19.
2 16 the death of the poet Philemon.
'■^ See Introd., p. xvii, notes 2-5. * 16.
^ A treatise on formal logic, entitled v^pi epfirjveias, and attributed to Apuleius On the strength of a passage running (4) ut si pro Apuleto dicas philosophum Madaurensem Platonicum, has come down to us, and
xxiv
WORKS OF APULEIUS
portion of the work does Apuleius show any understanding or real knowledge of the teaching of his master Plato. He is, as ever, the superficial rhetorician, with an omnivorous taste for all manner of learning, but no judgement or critical faculty. There is no clear evidence as to date, but if the dedication to Faustinus is to be taken literally, it is obviously one of his later works. But Jilius may be merely metaphorical, and Faustinus may have been but his disciple and spiritual son. In that case the work may date from almost any period in his life.
5. The de Deo Socratis is a flamboyant treatise on the 8at/xoi/tov of Socrates. It is a declamation ^ of the same class as many of the writings from which we have excerpts in the Florida^^ and it is a good example of his declamatory style. Apuleius is certainly following, if not translating, a Greek original.^
6. The de Mundo is a translation of an extant Greek
treatise, a late work entitled Trepl Koa-jjiov and attributed with
extravagant falseness to Aristotle.^ The translation is free and
was printed as the third book of the de Dogmate Platonis by Wower in his edition of 1606. It has generally been regarded as a much later work, and it is certainly not Platonic, but rather Stoic and Peripatetic, while it is wholly unlike any other extant work of Apuleius. Recently, however, in his de Apulei et Albini dodrinae Platonicae adumhratione (Cracow, 1905), Sinko has shown that not only the two books de Platone but also the tr^pl kpfjirjue'ias have affinities to an abstract of Plato's philo- sophy attributed to Albinus, a sophist contemporary with Apuleius. (See Hermann's ed. of Plato, vol. vi, Appendix, Plat., pp. 8 sqq.) 'AAjStVou (codd. 'A\kiv6ov) diSacTKaXiKos tSjv Ti^aTcuvos SoyfxaTojv . For date cp. Galen, de Ubrispropriis, xix. 16, Kiihn. Galen heard Albinus discourse at Smyrna in a. d. 152. It is possible, therefore, that the Trepl epixr/vdas may be the work of Apuleius. The stylistic argument obviously counts for little in a treatise on formal logic. It can scarcely, however, in view of its form be the third book of the de Platone. Cassiodorus is the first writer to mention the work as Apuleian. Cp. de art. et disc, litterarum,
iii. 583-
^ c. 5 quid igitur, orator, obiecerit aliqui ; c. 16 uos ornnes qui . . . me auscultatis, etc.
.'^ It is noteworthy that the MSS. give as a prologue to the de Deo Socratis the improvisation on the fox and crow, which is by many regarded as belonging to the Florida (24). (But see Schanz, § 563.) ^ c. 14 id potiiis praestiterit latine dissertare. * Dedicated to an Alexander who is styled -qyijxwv dpiaros,
XXV
INTRODUCTION
often inaccurate.^ Like the second book of the de dogmate Platonis it is dedicated to Faustinas.
B. Lost Works.
Apuleius had the pen of a ready writer and there were few subjects which did not come within the range of his wide, if superficial, knowledge. But a large proportion, perhaps the majority, of his works have been lost.
In the two passages of the Florida he gives a summary of his literary activities. (9) sed pro his praeoptare me fafeor, uno chartario me reficere poemata omnigenus apta iiirgae^ lyrae, socco, cothurno^ item satiras ac griphos, item historias uarias rerum nee non orationes laudatas disertis nee non dialogos laudatos philosophis atque haee et alia eiusdem modi tarn graeee quam latine^ gemino uoto, pari studio ^ simili stilo. (20) eanit Empedocles earmina, Plato dialogos^ Soerates hymnos^ Epiehar- mus modos^ Xenophon historias^ [Xeno]erates satiras. Apuleius uester haee omnia nouemque Musas pari studio colit.
Among the works now lost which are mentioned by Apuleius himself or attributed to him by other writers are the following : —
I. Poetry, (a) A volume of light verse entitled Ludiera^ from which the poem to Calpurnianus is cited.^ A verse probably from the same collection is preserved by Nonius, p. 68 M. This collection may perhaps cover the satiras ae griphos cited above. It may equally well have included the erotic poems cited in c. 9.
(/^) Hymns to Aesculapius, written both in Greek and Latin. ^ Cp. hymnos cited above.
{c) Carmen de uirtutibus Orfiti.^
1 He inserts at times passages from other sources. E.g. cc. 13 and 14 are derived from Gellius ii. 22, while in c. 17 he gives his own personal experience, uidi et ipse apud Hierapolim Phrygiae. So, too, he dedicates the work to Faustinus instead of Alexander.
2 niodos seems meaningless. Reich conjectures niinios. ^ Apol. 6. ^ Florida 18. ^ Florida 17.
xxvi
WORKS OF APULEIUS
(d) A verse translation of an obscene passage from the ' kvexoiJi^vo's of Menander ^ has come down to us. Cp. above poemata apta socco.
2. He also wrote another novel entitled Hermagoras^ from which short fragments are quoted by Priscian and Ful- gentius.'-
3. Under the head of historiae (cp. the two passages from the Florida cited above) comes an Epitome historiarum cited by Priscian ^ and an Eroticus^ presumably a collection of love adventures, mentioned by Lydus.*
4. His lost speeches are probably numerous. The follow- ing are mentioned : {a) In the Apologia he speaks of a discourse on the 'majesty of Aesculapius ' delivered at Oea,^ and of an oration delivered in the presence of Lollianus Avitus, proconsul of Africa.^ {J?) In the Florida^ in his speech thanking Aemilianus Strabo for offering to erect his statue, he promises to deliver a formal oration of thanks on the day of its dedica- tion, and further to commit this oration to writing that it may be known through all the world, {c) Augustine ^ records that Apuleius published a speech delivered against certain citizens of Oea who objected to the erection of a statue in his honour.
5. Numerous scientific works by Apuleius have been lost. {a) He himself mentions his quaestiones nattirales, and states that they were written both in Greek and Latin. He specially
1 It was preserved in a MS. at Beauvais now lost. See Baehrens, Poet, Lat. Min. iv. 104.
2 Priscian, Grantm. Lat. ii, p. 85 K. Apuleius in prima Hermagorae : uisus est et adulescens honesta forma quasi ad nuptias exornatus trahere se in penitiorem partem domus; Fulgentius (ed. Helm, p. 112. 10) pollincto eius funere domuitionem paramus. Cp. also Prise. Gramni. Lat. ii, pp. Ill, 135, 279, 528.
^ Prise. Gram. Lat. iii, p. 482 K. Apuleius ponit in epitomis historiarum ^ Aeneanica gens^ ; Ibid, ii, p. 2$o Apuleius in epitoma: sed tum sestertius dipondium semissem, quinarius quinquessis, denarius decussis ualebat.
* Lydus, de Magistratibus, iii. 64 ravrri (Omphale) koI ^avSwv 'HpaK^TJs dvrjvex&Vj ^^ 'AttoXtjios 6 'Pci^/xaios er tw kTn'yfa<poixkva) kpojTiKO).
^ c. 55. <^ c. 24. ^ Florida 16.
^ August. Ep. 138. 19.
xxvii
INTRODUCTION
mentions a treatise de Piscibus} [b) A work de Arboribus is attributed to him by Servius.^ {c) A de Re Rustica is men- tioned by Photius and Palladius.^ {d) Priscian refers to his Medicinalia^^ and {e) Johannes Lydus to his Astronomica.^ (/) Cassiodorus records a translation of the Arithmetica of Nicomachus,'' and (g) a treatise de Musica?
6. The following lost philosophical writings are mentioned : {a) de Republica^^ (b) a translation of the Phaedo of Plato.°
7. Charisius records a work de Prouerbiis}^
8. Apollinaris Sidonius and Macrobius mention quaesttones conuiuiales}^
C. Apocryphal Works.
A few other works have come down to us under the name of Apuleius : ?>c,Asclepms, an hermetic dialogue between Hermes Trismegistus and Asclepius, and a work of the fourth century, de Herbarum Medtcaminibus , de Re?7iedns Salutaribus^ a frag- ment, and a Physiognomonia.
There is not the least reason to believe that any of these works are by our author. See Schanz, §§ 571-4.
H. E. B.
1 Apol. 36, 38, 40.
2 ad Georg. ii. 126. ^ Phot. Bihl. c. 163 ; Palladius, i. 35. 9. * Gramm. Lat. ii, p. 203. 14.
^ de Mens. 4, 73 ; de Ost. 3, 4, 7, 10, 44, 54,
^ de Arithtn. ad fin. '^ de Musica ad fin.
^ Fulgent, p. 122, 17 (Helm) unde et Apuleius in libro de republica ait : qui celocent regere nequit, onerariam petit.
^ Apollin, Sid. Ep. ii. 9. 5; Prise. Gramm. Lat. ii, pp. 511 and 520. It has been suggested that a fragment of a Latin translation of the Phaedo quoted in Claudianus Mamertus, de Statu Animae, comes from the transla- tion by Apuleius. There is, however, no evidence to support this view.
1° Gram. Lat. i, p. 240 K.
^1 Apollin. Sid. ix. 13. 3 A Platonico Madaurensi saltim formulas mutuare conuiuialium quaestionum ; Macrob. vii. 3. 23.
XXVlll
MSS. OF THE APOLOGIA AND FLORIDA
III. THE MSS. OF THE APOLOGLA AND FLORIDA
Previous to 1849 the text of the Apologia^ Florida^ and Meta7norphoses of Apulelus had no scientific basis, as a glance at the Apparatus Criticus and the introductory chapter on the MSS. in Hildebrand's edition will show. The wildest confusion reigned. But in 1849 Heinrich Keil set scholars on the true path. In his Observationes Criticae in Catonts et Varronis de Re Rustica (pp. 77 ff.) he points out that all the MSS. of those works of Apuleius that he has seen are derived from one codex, the Laurentianus (plut. 68. 2). All subsequent in- vestigations have shown this to be true. There is but one passage that cannot be traced to this source, namely, an extremely obscene passage inserted in the tenth book of the Metamorphoses (c. 21) in a fourteenth century MS., also in the Laurentian Library (plut. 54. 24). This spurcum additamentum is clearly not by Apuleius. It is unlike him in style, especially in the copious use of Greek words, while it breaks the natural flow of the passage. On the other hand, though it never appears in any hand earlier than the fourteenth century, it can- not well be a forgery of the Middle Ages or early Renaissance. It is too dexterous and its vocabulary is too recherche' to admit of that possibility, while the actual text is sufficiently corrupt to suggest a considerable ancestry. There are no indications as to its source. It is conceivable that it may be a translation or paraphrase of the passage as it stood in the lost Metamor- phoses of Lucius of Patras. It may, on the other hand, have been added at an early date by an ingenious reader of obscene tastes and considerable literary skill. But in any case it must raise the suspicion that there was in existence in the fourteenth century at least a fragment of the Meta7norphoses^ representing a tradition other than that contained by Laur. 68. 2. This suspicion has led me to examine all the MSS. of the Apologia
xxix
INTRODUCTION •
and Florida of whose existence I am aware, with a view to ascertaining whether there is any trace of a tradition other than that transmitted by Laur. 68. 2} The result has been entirely to confirm the theory of Keil. All the MSS. which I have been able to examine derive directly or indirectly from the Lauren- tianus. The numerous fourteenth and fifteenth century MSS. contribute nothing of real importance to the text, though, as must frequently result from the examination of Renaissance MSS., I have found that a number of corrections attributed to Renaissance and even later scholars were in reality made at an earlier date. Such corrections worthy of record as I have noted in these late MSS. will be found mentioned in the Apparatus Criticus of this text. As their number is not suffi- cient to make them a serious encumbrance to the Apparatus, it has seemed worth while to 'give the devil his due'. I have made no attempt to trace the stemmata of these late codices ; such a research would be waste of labour.
Since Keil set scholars on the right path, three texts of the Apologia have appeared, equipped with an Apparatus Criticus. These are the texts of Kriiger (Berlin, 1864), Van der Vliet (Teubner series, 1900), and Helm (Teubner, 1905). Kriiger's text left room for further work, both as regards the collation of the chief MSS. and the correction of the text. But it is, on the whole, greatly superior to the text produced by Van der Vliet, which, though often clever and suggestive, is marred by the editor's passion for emendation. Helm's text is admirable alike for the fullness and accuracy of its Apparatus, and for the acumen and erudition of its editor. It will be found that the present text does not differ widely from that of Helm. There are, however, a certain number of passages where he seems to
1 I had originally intended to examine the MSS. of the Metamorphoses as well. I found, however, that my friend, Mr. D. S. Robertson, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, was already engaged on this task, and we agreed to a division of labour. I gather that his conclusions point in the same direction as my own.
XXX
MSS. OF THE APOLOGIA AND FLORIDA
the present writer to have erred on the side of caution or to have misunderstood the author's meaning, and there are also a very few passages where there has seemed room for fresh emendation. It will be found also that some of the incon- sistencies of the spelling of the Laurentianus have been removed. While some of the peculiarities may be due to Apuleius himself, many are such as are found in the MSS. of all authors. The orthography of the Laurentianus has been once and for all exhibited by Helm's text, and it seems needless to reproduce its peculiarities once again. So, too, in view of the accuracy of Helm's collation it has not seemed necessary to give as full an Apparatus. A selection has been given, and it is hoped that nothing of importance has been omitted.
I. Codex Laurentianus, plut. 68. 2 : known as F.
This MS. has a peculiar interest for scholars. Not only is it our sole authority for the Apologia, Florida, and Metamorphoses of Apuleius, but also for Annals xi-xvi, and the Histories of Tacitus.^ The works are in the following order : ff. i V.-47 r., Tac. Ann. xi-xvi. 48 r.-io3 v., Tac. Hist. 104 V.-125 v., Lucii Apuleii de Magia, libb. ii. 126 v.-i84r.. Metamorphoses 184 v.- 191 v., followed by the Florida. The MS. is written in the so- called Lombard hand, which is of the type associated with MSS. written at the monastery of Monte Cassino in the latter half of the eleventh century. It is generally supposed that the MS. was stolen by Boccaccio from the neglected library of Monte Cassino. It is, however, doubtful whether at this period the works of Apuleius were bound up with the Tacitus. There is at least evidence that at some period the three works of Apuleius preceded the Tacitus, while such mention as we find of this MS. during the Renaissance makes no mention of the presence of the works of Apuleius. In fact, the only mention of the presence of the works of Tacitus at Monte Cassino suggests that they
^ See Rostagno, Preface to facsimile of the portion containing the Histories of Tacitus.
xxxi
INTRODUCTION
were bound up with the poems of Homer. Be that as it may, there can be no doubt that the portion of the MS. containing Apuleius came from the same source, for the hands are identical. Whether Boccaccio ever possessed this portion of the MS. or no, is uncertain. He was, at any rate, familiar with Apuleius before it came into his possession. For the Decameron^ written between 1348 and 1356 (whereas Boccaccio was unacquainted with Tacitus in 1357), shows that he was already familiar with Apuleius, while cod. Laur. plut. 54. 32, which is written by Boccaccio's own hand, shows no direct knowledge of cod. 68. 2, though like other MSS. of Apuleius it does ultimately derive from that famous codex.
Cod. 68. 2 is written in a beautiful hand, but has suffered much from the ravages of time. The writing is in many places so rubbed as to be barely legible, while in many places a later hand has rewritten the damaged letters, not always correctly. Fortunately, however, we possess an early copy of F in cod. Laur. plut. 29. 2 (see below), which dates from a time when j^was still comparatively intact. The Apologia has, however, suffered much less damage than those portions of F contain- ing the Florida and the Metamorphoses,
The MS. goes back ultimately to a codex of the fourth century, as is shown by the subscription to the ninth book of the Meta77iorphoses : Ego Sallusiius legi et emendaui Romae felix Olibrio et Probino u. c. cons. (i. e. a. d. 395) in foro Martis controuersiam dedamans oratori Fndelechio. Rursus Constanti- 7iopoli recognoui Caesario et Attico cons. (i.e. a. d. 397). The nature of its corruptions shows it to have been copied from a MS. written like itself in Lombard script.
I have examined this MS. carefully, but have not collated it in its entirety. The extreme accuracy of Helm's collation, which I have checked throughout the Apologia and Florida, makes this unnecessary. He is almost impeccable save in a very few passages in the Florida, where the work of collation
xxxii
MSS. OF THE APOLOGIA AND FLORIDA
is exceedingly difficult. The one criticism which I would make of his work, is that, perhaps unintentionally, he frequently in his Apparatus Criticus gives the impression that the original reading of F can be recovered by close inspection of the MS. in cases where it can, as a matter of fact, only be discovered by conjecture after comparison with cod. Laur. 29. 2. As he is, I think, usually right in his conjectures on these points, this criticism is of small importance. But in a very large number of cases the original reading is no longer visible to the eye even when assisted by a strong magnifying glass. Liitjohann and Beyte have done careful work in distinguishing the correct- ing hands in 68. 2 and 29. 2. As, however, there is not the slightest evidence that any of these corrections are due to knowledge of some independent MS. source, I have not dis- tinguished the different correcting hands in the Apparatus Criticus, save by occasional indications, where the correction has been made by the first hand, or where the corrections are palpably late.
The general character of the MS. has been so thoroughly discussed by Helm in his introduction to the Florida, and I am so thoroughly in agreement with his conclusions, that to go into further detail would be a mere repetition of what has already been so admirably said by him, and would be irrelevant to the needs of this edition. Such points as require detailed discussion are dealt with in the commentary where they occur. It only remains to say that F provides an admirable basis for the text of the Apologia. It is a thoroughly honest MS., and, though there are many corruptions, the cases where the text cannot be restored with comparative certainty are not very numerous.
II. Cod. Laur. plut. 29. 2 : known as <^.
This MS., which like F is written in the so-called Lombard script, though of the twelfth century, has no independent value,
xxxiii c
INTRODUCTION
as it is a palpable copy of F. But, as has already been said, it is a very early copy, made before F had been defaced by time. It is therefore at times of value in revealing the original reading of F^ where the hand of the corrector or the wear of time has hidden it from our eyes. As in the case of F^ I have merely checked previous collations. Helm does not profess to give a complete collation, and as a result a number of marginal variants are omitted in his Apparatus Criticus. These I have in most cases recorded. Also, in one or two cases where im- portant marginal variants are recorded, he has failed to mention that they are in a very late (?) seventeenth-century hand. There is but one reading given by ^, which even for a moment suggests that its scribe had access to other MSS. than F. That is to be found in c. 24, where F reads munere poptis concessimus^ but <^
i i
gives the correct reading P. R.^ i. e. populi Romani. The cor- rection is written (over an erasure) by the first hand. But even here it is so obviously necessary, that it need not have been beyond the capacity of a twelfth-century corrector.
III. The MSS. of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
A. MSS. in the Biblioteca Laurenziana at Florence.
(i) Plut. 54. 32 contains [a) de Magia, {b) Metamorphoses, (c) Florida. This MS. is in the hand of Boccaccio himself, and was once in the ' libreria parva di Santo Spirito ' at Florence. As has already been said, it is not a copy oiF, though it follows that MS. on the whole. It seems to be copied, as far as the Apologia is concerned, from some MS. which had been partly corrected from <^, or from some other MS. influenced by <^. It contains little or nothing of value. The Greek passages are omitted, though in the earlier passages a few attempts are made to copy the unfamiliar Greek letters. In the Florida, F is followed on the whole, but the text has been more strongly influenced by <f> than in the Apologia. Sallustius is mentioned.
Note. — This MS. is very corrupt and unscholarly. There
xxxiv
MSS. OF THE APOLOGIA AND FLORIDA
can be little doubt, however, that it is written by Boccaccio (cp. Sabbadini, Scoperte^ p. 29, n.), for the hand is identical with that of the signed autograph MS. of Terence in the Laurentian Library (plut. 38. 17). It is noteworthy that on the last page of the Terence Boccaccio cites two Greek epigrams with an inter- linear translation in Latin, but writes the Greek in Latin characters.
(2) Plut. 54. 12 contains {a)de Deo Socratis, {b) Trismegistus Asdepius, {c) de Dogm. Platonis^ {d) de Mundo^ {e) de Asino Aureo^ (/) de Magta, (g) Florida. It concludes with the words ' Antonius Marius Florentinus transcripsit Florentiae XII Kid, lulii 142^ \ It is exquisitely written and adorned with beautiful initial letters. It contains the usual reference to Sallustius in connexion with the Metamorphoses^ while at the conclusion of that work are found the following words : ' Apulei Platonici Madaurensis Metamorphoseon liber ultimus explicit^ quern tran- scripsi cum duobus incorruptissimis exemplaribus me inscio neque cogto (sic) correptus {sic) deinde et emendatus per me ipsum scriptorem cum Optimo atque uetustissimo exemplari^ 142^' The text of the Metamorphoses^ as this postscript shows, is composite. This is not the case however with the Florida and Apologia. The Apologia presents a text that (with the exception of the Greek passages, which are not transcribed, vacant spaces being left where they occur) is a very faithful transcript oi F. Indeed, it was probably copied fron F itself, with which it agrees in almost every case as against ^, save that, unlike F, it has an inscription at the beginning (Apuleii Platonici Madaurensis pro se apud CI. Maximum procons. Africae oratio de magia incipit feliciter). In the Florida^ on the other hand, <^ is followed all through as opposed to F. In fact it was probably actually copied from <^. Both in the Apologia and Florida there is evidence that it was copied from a MS. in the Lombard hand. E.g. Apologia (c. 75) xxx is given in Lombard letters, cor- ruptions such as me de te for medeae {ApoL c. 78) seem to be
XXXV C 2
INTRODUCTION
due to the same cause. Similarly in the Florida (c. 15, p. 21, II H.) the corrupt pittagora naianteo of </> is given pittagora naiocnteo^ the a or oc being a palpable imitation of the Lombard a. The scribe probably deserted F for <^ in the Florida owing to the extreme illegibility of this portion of the MS. in F.
Note. — In two passages of the Apologia the scribe closely imitates the peculiarities of F\ i. e. in c. 56 it reads agnom — ra €t, the last four letters being clearly imitated from the corre- sponding letters in F^ while in c. 67 it has the full gap between the words mulieri and amanti as given in F.
(3) Plut. 54. 13 contains {a) de Deo Socratis^ {b) Asclepius^ {c) de Dogmate Flatonis, (d) de Mundo, (e) Metamorphoses^ {/) , Apologia, (g) Florida. This MS. is beautifully written in a fifteenth-century hand, perhaps a little later than that of the preceding MS. The Greek passages are omitted, and the whole MS. is very corrupt. There are many careless omissions and not a few gaps, the latter being due to the unintelligibility of the MS. which the copyist had before him. It is a near relative of plut. 54. 24 (see below), but not actually copied from it, and very inferior to it. Some of the gaps are accounted for by readings in 54. 24: e.g. Flor. c. 15, p. 22. 19 H., where the gap after lolo orbe is explained by the reading toto orbe hocustis given by 54. 24 (the oc being a corruption of a Lombard a) : again in Flor, c. 16, p. 27. 8 H. exorauerit has been corrupted to sorauerit in 54. 24, while 54. 13 gives cor followed by a gap. It is an even nearer relative of cod. Santa Croce, sin. 24. 1 1 (see below), and was perhaps copied from the same source. The text of the Apologia is composite, but inclining to <^. The text of the Florida is even worse than that of the Apologia, though it contains fewer emendations and follows <^ more closely. There is no mention of Sallustius.
(4) Plut. 54. 24 contains {a) the Metamorphoses, {I?) Florida, if) a summary of the Apologia. It concludes with the words
xxxvi
MSS. OF THE APOLOGIA AND FLORIDA
^explicit lib. 4 Floridorum Apulei Platonici. Conipletus die 26 Ian. 1422 \ At the beginning of the MS. is written in a latter hand ' dalla communita di San Gimignano '. The MS. contains many var. lectiones in the margin, and as a rule follows <^, though some of the marginal readings are derived from F. The text is fairly corrupt. Sallustius is mentioned.
(5) Santa Croce, sin. 24. 1 1, contains the Metamorphoses- scn.^ a portion oi \hQ Florida, breaking off abruptly after simili stilo (c. 9, p. 13. 23 H.) with the words ' amen, nan compleui quia corriipfum exemplar nee intelligebam \ In F after the word stilo occurs the note ' hie desinit eod. S. Crueis transeriptio a Fr. Thedaldo de Mueillo. Ord. Min' The note is said to be in the hand of del Furia, a former librarian of the Biblioteca Laurenziana (cp. V. der Vliet, App. Crit. ad loe.). The text of the Florida is composite, inclining to 0 rather than F. Salfustius is mentioned.
B. MS. in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana at Milan.
Cod. N. 180, a MS. of the fourteenth century, contains {a) Apologia, {d) Metamorphoses, (e) Florida. There are two hands. The second, which is very superior to the first, begins at f. 30. Both in the Florida and Apologia this MS. follows F fairly closely, though there are traces of the influence of <;^. The text is, on the whole, good, though it has no independent value. An attempt has been made to copy the first few passages of Greek in the Apologia. The Florida are treated as portions of the Metamorphoses (i. e. Flor. ii = Met. xii). This MS. has some affinities with cod. Laur. 54. 32, but is very superior to that MS. Sallustius is mentioned.
C. MSS. in the Vatican Library.
(i) Cod. Vat. 2193 contains {a) de Deo Soeratis, {b) Asclepius, {c) de Doetrina Flatonis, {d)deMundo,{e) Florida, (/) deMagia, {g) Metamorphoses. These works of Apuleius are followed by Cicero, pro Mareello ', Frontinus, Strategemata-, Vegetius, de Re Militari; Palladius, de Agrieultura ; and Cicero, pro Ligario. For this MS. see Petrarque et Phumanisme, De Nolhac, ii, p. 99 sqq.,
xxxvii
INTRODUCTION
and Monsignor Marco Vattasso's Codici Petrarcheschi della Bibl. Vaticana under heading Codici posiillati del Petrarca (Studii e Testi, 20). This is a very beautiful MS., dated by M. de Nolhac as not later than 1348. It belonged to Petrarch, and contains many marginal notes from his own hand, while the two speeches of Cicero which it contains are also in the poet's handwriting. It follows <;^ on the whole in the Apologia^ and very closely in the Florida. It has no independent value, and is remarkable only for the fact (to which my friend Mr. D. S. Robertson, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, called my attention) that in the margin of Apol. c. 95 the scribe has written the following words : ' nee aiictoritatem Crassus nee effica- eiam Antonius nee simplicitatem Menenius nee acrimoniam Appius nee leporem aefacetiam Augustus.^ It gives no indication as to the exact point at which these words should be inserted (see note ad loc.). The same passage is given in Vat. Ottob. 2091 and in cod. Nap. IV. G. 55. See below. Sallustius is men- tioned.
(2) Cod. Vat. 3384 contains {a) Apologia ^ {b) Metamorphoses^ {e) Florida^ and in an entirely different hand (^) de Dogmate Platonis^ (e) de Mundo. This MS., like the last, dates from the fourteenth century, and once belonged to Benvenuto Rambaldo dTmola of Bologna, a famous commentator on Dante, who died 1391 : later it belonged to Fulvio Orsini, and is de- scribed by de Nolhac in La Bibliotheque de Fulvio Orsi?ti^ p. 192. On the top of the first fly-sheet are the words ^ Liber Benvenuti Lmolensis^ in a fourteenth-century hand. On the same sheet is a later inscription, ^ Apuleio tocco di mano di Benvenuto da Lniola. Ful. Urs^ Mr. D. S. Robertson informs me that Monsignore Vattasso ascribes this inscription to the early seventeenth century. Van der Vliet appears to have misread the words * Ful. Urs.' as 'Jul. 1553'. This is a MS. of the same class as Ambr. N. 180 and Laur. 54. 32, and follows F^ on the whole, both in the Apologia and in the Florida.
xxxviii
^
MSS. OF THE APOLOGIA AND FLORIDA
The Greek passages are given up to c. 38 of the Apologia, Sallustius is mentioned.
(3) Cod. Urbin. 199 contains {a) Metamorphoses, {b) Apologia, {c) de Mundo, {d) de Dogmate Platonis, (e) de Deo Socratis, {/) Hermes Trismegistus, (g) Apologia. This is a very late and very beautiful MS., with the arms of Frederick, Duke of Urbino, on the front page. The form of the coat of arms shows the date to be not earlier than 1474. Frederick died in 1482. The MS. is therefore later than the ed. princeps. The text of the Apologia is much interpolated. The Greek passages are omitted, but Latin translations of the epigrams of Plato are given as in cod. Dorvillianus (see below) with the same additions. The text of the Florida is little altered, and follows </> fairly closely. Sallustius is not mentioned.
(4) Cod. Vat. Ottob. 2047 contains {a) the Declamations of Quintilian, {b) Apologia (breaking off at the word bestias in c. 72), {c) Metamorphoses (from periculi confinio in iv. 10), {d) Florida, {e) Valerius Maximus, (/) Macrobius in Saturnalibus (imperfect). This MS. dates from the latter portion of the fourteenth century. It might be possible to fix its date within narrower limits by a foot-note, by the first hand, at the end of Valerius Maximus ^ correctus ad exemplar Valerii domini Ostiensis '. There is also a late inscription ' ex codicibus loannis Angeli Ducis ab Altaemps \ Both in the Apologia and in the Florida it follows <^ closely. In the Apologia the Greek passages are given. Sallustius is mentioned.
(5) Cod. Vat. Ottob. 2091 contains {a) Florida, {b) fragments of the Apologia as follows : cc. 1-5 suscensentem ; c. i"] at tu me scis — c. 21 indigeant\ c. 2/^de patria — c. 25 strepitu uiget; c. 22 Socrates inquam . . . togam palmatam ; {c) Metamorphoses down to xi. 28 antistabant ; (d) Lives of the Popes down to John XXII, followed by miscellaneous ecclesiastical information ; (e) Lives of the Emperors from Augustus to Henry VI, followed by miscellaneous historical information. The last date men-
xxxix
INTRODUCTION
tioned in the second portion of the MS. is 1309, and the life of John XXII ends with a prayer for his prosperity : a MS. note states that the date must be 13 16. It is not certain whether this portion of the MS. is in the same hand as that containing the Apuleius, but the date of the Apuleius is in any case early fourteenth century. In the margin of the Florida are written in a later fourteenth-century hand fragments of the Apologia as follows : c. 9 num ergo Solonem . . . nonpigere ; c. g el Critias . . . CIO coinpositum ; c. 95 quamcunqiie oratio?tem . . . commutaium, followed by nee auctoritatem . . . Augustus^ as in Vat. 2193 (q.v.) from which the passage is copied ; c 63 hiccine est seeks tus . . . est laruatus. Owing to loss of two sheets in the middle Met, iv. 1 1 subliffiis animi . . . vii. 26 mitiorem efficere is missing, as is also a page at the end from the middle of the word plurimum (xi. 28) to the conclusion. This MS. follows <j> in the Florida and Apologia. On the first page are the words ' V. Giselini ex dono D. Eribontii\ and on the paper fly-leaf ''sum Gerardi Vossii. anno MDCXXXX\ Van der VJiet {Mnemos, 1895, p. 180) pointed out that this MS. is the ' Lipsianus ' of older editors. Sallustius is mentioned at the end of Met. ii and iii. This MS. is the original of cod. Nap. IV. G. 55 (q. v.).
D. MSS. in the Biblioteca Nazionale of Naples.
(i) Cod. IV. D. II contains (a) Metamorphoses, {b) Florida, which are treated as part of the Metamorphoses, though a later hand has corrected the error. The Metamorphoses are divided into ten books. The first book of the Florida is treated as the tenth book of the Metamorphoses and so on. The MS. dates from the fourteenth, century and is very corrupt. In the Florida it follows F. Sallustius is mentioned. At the end of the MS are the words ^ Antonii Seripandi ex lani Parrhasii testamento\
(2) Cod. IV. D. 12 contains {a) Metamorphoses, (b) Florida (in another hand) down to c. 7 perfacile est. This MS. is of the fourteenth century and as regards the Florida is clearly derived from the same source as the previous MS., though not copied
xl
i
MSS. OF THE APOLOGIA AND FLORIDA
from it. There is no mention of Sallustius. On the first page are the words * Alexandri bonigniae sum '.
(3) Cod. IV. G. 55 contains («) de Deo Socratis, {b) de Dog- mate Platonis^ {c) de Mundo, (d) Florida^ (e) fragments of the Apologia^ as in Vat. Ottob. 2091 (q. v.), with the exception that it omits the fragment from c. 22 Socrates inquam . . . togam palmatam, while a late (?) seventeenth-century hand continues correctly after strepitu utget {c. 25) down to c. 27 obiectantur, omitting the Greek save for wi/ . . . Oepa-n-eia in c. 25 ; (/) Meta- morphoses ; (g) de inventoribus septem artium (in a fifteenth- century hand). After the de Mundo occur the fragments of the Apologia^ given in the margin of the Florida in Vat. Ottob. 2091. At the end of the Metamorphoses is the note ' Ego fraier Ambrosius de Xona ordinis seruorum S. Mariae XVII mensis Madii i^g6 scripsi feliciter et expleui me recommendans Patri et domino meo pro quo fP et laborem sumsi hoc opusculujii Apuleii \ Sallustius is mentioned at end of Met. ii and iii, as in Vat. Ottob. 2091. The philosophical works are in another hand, and of earlier date, as is shown by subscriptions to de D. Socr. and de Mundo.
There is also a MS. containing {a) Metamorphoses, (b) Florida, (^) Apologia, {d) de Deo Socratis, {e) de Philosophia, (/) de Mundo, {g) Asclepius in the Biblioteca Oratoriana at Naples (No. 4, Mandarini's Catalogue, p. 22). Mandarini assigns this MS. to the end of the fifteenth or beginning of the sixteenth century. I was not aware of the existence of this MS. when I examined the MSS. of the Biblioteca Nazionale. Mr. G. L. Cheesman has, however, examined selected passages for me, and from the readings which he reports, I conclude that the MS. is (as might be expected in view of its lateness) of no value.
E. MSS. in the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice.
(i) Cod. Lat. Z. 469 contains (a) a Latin translation of the Timaeus by Chalcidius, with a commentary by the same author ; (b) twelve chapters of the first book of Cicero's de Natura
xli
INTRODUCTION
Deorum \ {c) the Apologia of Apuleius ; id) Macrobius. The text of the Apologia is composite, though incHning to F. Though the text contains many of the usual corruptions, it contains a very large number of the emendations which appear in the early printed texts of the Apologia, and of which there is often no further trace till the close of the fifteenth century. The Greek passages are omitted. This MS., which is written in an exquisite hand, dates from the close of the fourteenth century. Sallustius is not mentioned, and the division into two books is only noted by a later hand, though the break is marked by an initial letter. At the end are the words ' Antonius de Romagno de Feltro '. Signor C. Foligno, Reader of Italian at Oxford University, informs me that * Antonio Romagno was born about 1375 and died very young. There is no news of him after 1406 or 1407.'
(2) Cod. Lat. 14. 34 contains Metamorphoses and Florida. The catalogue and a MS. note on the fly-leaf falsely state that the Florida in this MS. contain a passage not found elsewhere. This is untrue. The text is of the normal composite type, and contains nothing of note save that in 8, p. 10. i H. it reads genere et ex nobilibus panel consular es et ex his consularibus. At the end are the words : ' Codex optimus. Donum Comitis lac, Zabarellae. Oct. Ferrario bibl. praefecto. Anno MDCXL F/.' The MS. was once in the library of Padua. There is no mention of Sallustius. At the end of the Metamorphoses is the date. May 6, 140^.
F. MS. in the Municipal Library of S. Daniele in Friuli. Cod. 91 (Mazzatinti) contains the Apologia^ followed by the
de Legibus^ pro Sextio Roscio^ and de Lege Agraria of Cicero. This MS. is written in a beautiful fifteenth-century hand. The text, composite though inclining to ^, is exceptionally bad. There is no mention of Sallustius. At the end of the Meta- morphoses is the date, May 6, 140^.
G. MS. in the Municipal Library of Toulouse.
Cod. 827 contains the Apologia. It also contains among
xlii
MSS. OF THE APOLOGIA AND FLORIDA
other works St. Jerome's life of St. Paul the Hermit (dated 1468) and a Latin translation of the letters of Phalaris (dated 1467). All are in the same hand. The text of the Apologia is exceptionally corrupt and full of fifteenth-century emenda- tions. It inclines to F rather than ^. The text has some affinity with cod. Urb. 199. The Greek passages are omitted. There is no mention of Sallustius.
H. MS. in the Library of the University of Leyden.
Cod. Leyd. Oudendorp. 34, known as the Dorvillianus, con- tains the Metamorphoses and Apologia. It is a late MS., perhaps in spite of appearances as late as 1470.^ In the Apologia it follows F fairly closely, but contains a number of fifteenth-century emendations. The first portion is fairly accurate, the latter carelessly written, while there are many omissions : e.g. c. 65 de nomine . . . audi igitur-, c. 73 to per- suaserat idem ; c. 75 scripserint to end; c. 78 to sed ne longius abordine ', c. 88 congruit ... 102 respondete. A later hand has added the Latin translations of the epigrams of Plato (cp. Urb. 199). Sallustius is mentioned.
I. MS. in the Library of Eton College.
Cod. 147 contains the Metamorphoses and Florida, in both of which it is a fairly close follower of F. It dates from the fifteenth century. The writing, especially in the Florida, is so much worn as often to be illegible. There are beautiful pen- and-ink illustrations at the foot of the page. Sallustius is not mentioned.
K. MSS. in the British Museum.
(i) Additional MS. 24893. This MS. is written on parch- ment and dates from the close of the fourteenth century. It contains {a) Apologia, (J?) Metamorphoses, {c) Florida (written
^ This statement is based on a communication from Dr. M. R. James, Provost of King's College, Cambridge, to Mr. D. S. Robertson. Dr. James thinks the scribe to have been a Fleming who learned his writing in Italy.
xliii
INTRODUCTION
continuously with the Metamorphoses as twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth books). A later hand has compli- cated the error by treating Apologia^ Metamorphoses ^ and Florida as one work, and renumbering continuously, though erratically, i. e. Met. i = iii, ii and iii = iv, iv = v, xi and Flor. i = xii, etc. This MS. is of the same class as the Ambrosian MS. and Laur. 54. 32, and perhaps better than either, though of no value for the constitution of the text.
(2) Sloan 2586. This MS. contains («) Apologia^ (b) Florida^ {c) de Deo Socratis, (d) de Fhilosophia. It dates from the sixteenth century, and is, as might be expected, of no value. It does not give the Greek passages, but contains the Latin translations of the epigrams of Plato and of the line quoted from Crates.
L. MS. in the Library of Wolfenbiittel.
Cod. 2069-71. This MS. contains all the works of Apuleius. It is a compilation by Theodore de Juges, dating from the sixteenth century, and was made with a view to publication. It contains notes drawn from many printed commentaries. I have not examined it.
Note. — Though I have personally examined all these MSS.,
I am indebted in a number of cases to Mr. D. S. Robertson
for details as to date, subscriptions, etc.
H. E. B.
IV. THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
The consideration of the style of Apuleius would be more appropriately associated with any of his writings than with the Apologia^ and the editors hope to have a later opportunity of treating it with greater fullness. For here there is a sobriety and sanity which are, on the whole, absent from his other writings. What we mean by Apuleian, 'his rococo, very
xliv
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
African, and, as it were, perfumed personality,'^ is much more evident in the Florida and the Metamorphoses. If, as is probable for other reasons, the Apology is his earliest extant work, Apuleius is to be added to the number of those who only developed the chief characteristics of their style after pro- ducing work which conformed much more closely with earlier and more classical models.
On the general question of an African dialect and style it is scarcely necessary to write exhaustively. The tumor Africus was a fond conceit of Renaissance scholarship, and it has been given little mercy by Norden.^ That words and idioms might survive in the African province that were obsolete elsewhere is not to be disputed, but there is little to suggest that the Latin of Carthage or Cirta or Hippo was affected by Punic idiom, or that a tendency to exaggeration and prolixity was the result of the contemplation of the vast expanses of the desert or nature generally in her sterner moods. Monceaux has made the attempt to trace Semitic influence, but in a manner that is not very convincing.^ Thus he points out that the ablative is used for an adverb because Semitic languages have no adverbs, but that the adverb is used with the positive because in Semitic languages there is no superlative, and yet again the frequency of the superlative is pressed to show the exaggeration of African style. Thus the frequent use of grammatical forms which the Semitic languages do not possess is pressed to show the indebtedness of African Latin to Semitic influence. But if there was this individual character about African literature, it is strange that there was no such individuality about African art/ and in this we see the real weakness of the case for ' Africitas ', for in art
^ Pater, Marius the Epicurean^ c. xx.
2 See Norden, pp. 588-98. The evidence against a distinctive * Africitas ' has been excellently arrayed by Miss M. D. Brock in Studies in Pronto and his Age, Cambridge University Press, 191 1.
3 Monceaux, p. iii ; Brock, lib. cit., p. 197. ^ Graham, Roman Africa, p. 302.
xlv
INTRODUCTION
we have contemporary work with which we can compare what
comes from Africa, but in Uterature we have practically nothing
contemporary. That certain features of the style and vocabulary
of Apuleius are shared by Arnobius, Tertullian, and Cyprian,
is evidence of the strong influence that the Apuleian type of
rhetoric had on their writings rather than of the existence of an
Africanism common to them.^ In the elocutio novella of the
African writers we have certain evidence of the origin of Romance
idioms, but no Romance language exists in Africa for us to see
whether these tendencies were commoner there than in France
and Italy, Spain and Portugal, the Orisons and Roumania. Prof.
E. W. Watson, in his dissertation on the style and language of
Cyprian, says : ' Though it is certain that provincial peculiarities
existed, and certain also that many of them have been detected,
yet the unconscious degeneration of grammar and the conscious
efforts after rotundity of expression were common to the whole
empire.' ^
Would Apuleius have railed at his stepson for talking
nothing but Punic,^ if he were conscious that his own style was
open to the charge of being tinged by Punic idiom ? If there
was anything distinctive in African style, it was muc v. more
due to the retention of certain words in Africa that had gone
out of use in Italy. It has been observed that the longer
a province had been occupied by Rome the less changed was
the Latin from the speech of the ante-classical Roman.^ So in
^ St. Augustine admitted that Apuleius was the most popular of African writers. Graham, lib. cit., p. 140.
2 Watson, The Style and Language of St. Cyprian, p. 241. Purser, Cupid and Psyche, p. Ixxxiv, remarks that the ' African ' qualities are just as conspicuous in Favorinus, a Gaul who lived in Asia Minor. Dubois, La Latinite d'' Ennodius, p. 12 (quoted by Miss Brock, p, 229), finds in Ennodius, another Gaul, the ' so-called African tendency to abuse all the resources and exaggerate the usages of classical Latin '.
3 Apol. 98 loquitur nunquavn nisi Punice.
* Cooper, Word-formation in the Sermo plebeius, p. xxvii, says that there was a regular grade in accordance with the date of conquest, Italian being furthest removed from classical Latin. Wolff lin {Arch.f, Lat. Lex. vii. 470), ' Mit den Soldaten, Verwaltungsbeamten und Kauf-
xlvi
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
America Chaucerian words have survived in ordinary speech, and the word ' fleet ', as used by Shakespeare in As You Like It^ Act I, Sc. I, is still used by the inhabitants of the island of Nantucket (Mass., U.S.A.).^ But the African cities retained a very close connexion with Rome, and Apuleius probably learnt more of his Latin style in Rome than in Africa.
We have to recognize then that on the whole it is the literary dialect of a century rather than of a province that we are dealing with, that what we call the tumor Africus is really the Asiatic oratory ^ that the ' New Sophistic ' had popularized, and that Apuleius has done more to create a mode of expression for Africa than Africa has done to impose a style on Apuleius.^
But, instead of accusing Apuleius of adopting a peculiarly African style, some critics imagine that his language is replete with vulgarisms. It is always difficult to assign accurately the source of the non-classical part of a late author's vocabulary. In Latin it is especially difficult because by classical Latin we mean such a remarkably restricted range of authors. A good Latin word used by many authors will be described as ante- and post-classical ; a word which has an almost chance existence once or twice in the pages of Cicero and Caesar will be described as classical, but rare. But we need not suppose that words which scarcely appear in the literary tradition were derived from the argot of the streets ; nor need we fall into the opposite error of supposing that every word which we do not find between the comedians of the Roman Republic and the second century a. d. was a conscious archaism. Apuleius was
leuten kam im J. 146 das plautinisch-catonische Latein nach dem iiber- seeischen Lande und hielt sich da im wesentlichen unverandert.'
^ Cooper, loc. cit.
2 The editors hope to deal at greater length with this influence in a subsequent work upon the Florida.
^ Some idioms which are claimed as distinctively examples of African exuberance are to be found in the most classical writers, e.g. Cicero and, still more, Caesar affect the repetition of the antecedent in such sentences as Apol. 24 colonia . . . in qua colonia.
xlvii
INTRODUCTION
contemporary with an age which had given a distinct impetus to archaistic tendencies : his great contemporary, Fronto, had headed a pre-Ciceronian movement, which looked askance at Vergil and hardly regarded Horace. Apuleius was much more catholic in his literary sympathies : the Apology contains distinct reminiscences of Vergil and Horace, and even Cicero ^ : he is no ' Frontoniast '. But we may well believe that many of the words and phrases which he shares with Plautus and Terence were used in ordinary conversation and that their absence from extant literature is largely accidental. Some commentators^ have imagined that he raked in the dramatists for all the words of abuse that come in his pages.^ But to pour out the vials of literary reminiscence on the head of one whom he accused of being an illiterate boor before an audience whom he up- braided with their ignorance would be a somewhat ineffective proceeding on Apuleius' part, and a somewhat strained com- pliment to the literary taste of Claudius Maximus. Aemilianus might well be unmoved at abuse which would be as out of date as to call a man at the present day ' a zed ', ' an unnecessary letter ', or ' a vile, standing tuck '. The phrases are such as might well have been kept alive without being consciously borrowed from pre-Ciceronian authority. If we hear a man say ' odds frogs and tambours ' we are certain that he has borrowed from The Rivals^ but we do not feel that a use of the objurgations loved by Squire Western is evidence that he who uses them has read Tom Jones. But it is difficult to say of many words whether they have survived in conversation, been picked out by design from the old dramatists, or been common to colloquial and literary Latin. But that Apuleius would
^ See Helm, Preface to the Florida, pp. xxii-xxviii, for illustrations of parallels to Cicero, besides others to which attention is called in our notes.
2 e.g. Desertine.
^ e.g. aquariolus, capularts, degulatov^ frutex, gerulus, gulo, gumt'a, lurco, uulpio. Of these degulaior, gulo, and uulpio are not found before Apuleius.
xlviii
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
consciously use vulgar as opposed to literary Latin is not to be thought of in the case of one who can say ^ : quis enim uestrum mihi unum soloecismum ignouerit ? quis uel unani syllabam bar- bare pronuntiatam ^ donauerit ? quis incondita et uitiosa uerba temere quasi delirantibus oborientia permiserit blaterare ?
The style then of Apuleius, as of other African writers, is not distinctively African, though words may have been in vogue in each province that had lost currency in the capital ^ ; he is not a conscientious archaist, like Fronto, but is fond of putting old words in his writings, though he is equally capable of inventing new ones ^ ; he is ready to draw on prose and poetry alike for his vocabulary and, though his words of abuse must have been such as his audience and victims could appreciate, he does not fill his language with conscious vulgarism.
There was no poetry in the second century. Poetry had played so large a part in the education of the Roman boy that it had won a Pyrrhic victory and had itself been absorbed in the territory it had conquered. Prose was poetical where it was not rhetorical, and Africa was nutricula causidicorum even before the time of Apuleius.^ So we find Apuleius the creator of a style which eschewed no influence of the present or the past that could give it attractiveness. Pater * describes the style as 'full of the archaisms and curious felicities in which that generation delighted, quaint terms and images picked from the early dramatists, the life-like phrases of some lost poet preserved by an old grammarian, racy morsels of the vernacular and studied prettinesses '.
^ Floy, 9.
2 He prides himself on not even having an African accent, unlike the Emperor Septimius Severus, of whom Spartianus says (Sever, xix. 9) canorus uoce, sed Afrunt quiddant usque ad senedutem sonans.
' Apuleius is fond of prosapia, which Quintilian (viii. 3. 26) labels as insulsum.
* The coinage of new words is especially due to a desire to secure exact balance ; cp. Met. iv. 8. where aggeratint and agminatim seem in- vented to balance aceruatim ; also xi. 9 init. %^^ Juv. vii. 148. tJ Marius the Epicurean, c. v.
i4i'3i xlix d
INTRODUCTION
We may now consider the features of the style as they present themselves in the pages of this speech, remembering that his 'foppery of diction ' will be found more notable in his other works. But even in the Apology the illustrations given below are only samples and not an exhaustive catalogue.
I. Balance and symmetry are constantly in view. We have (fl) clauses which are balanced word for word, e.g. c. 14 7iisi forte quod artificio elaboratum laudabile habetur^ hoc natura oblatum culpabile iudicandum est (here culpabile makes its first appearance in literature, possibly to balance laudabile). c. 18 habitu secura^ cultu simplex^ consilio benesuada, neminem umquam superbia inflauit^ neminem impotentia deprauauit, neminem tyran- nide efferauit. (The whole of this passage, a 'commonplace' on poverty, is full of illustrations of this artificial parallelism.) c. 64 quidquid umbrarum est usquam, quidquid lemurum^ quidquid manium, quidquid laruarum^ oculis tuis oggerat, omnia noctium occursacula^ omnia bustorum formidamina^ omnia sepulcrorum terriculamenta (see also the end of this chapter). Further examples may be found in cc. i, 3, 11, 15, 23, 25, 30, 41, 66, 72, 74, 81, 85, etc.
{b) Sometimes the balance is forced, the parallelism being in the grammatical form and not the meaning. E. g. c. 47 noctibus uigilata et tenebris abstrusa et arbitris solitaria et carminibus murmuratay where the case-relation to the participle is different in all four instances, c. 54 aut remedio acceptum aut sacro traditum aut somnio imperatum. c. 75 ianua calcibus propulsata^ fenestrae canticis circumstrepitae^ triclinium comissatoribus in- quietum^ cubiculum adulteris peruium. Cp. also in c. 29 maleficio . . . pretio. c. 37 de principio . . . de piscibus. c. 78 mollitia animi . . . formido ferri.
{c) Homoeoteleuton, This is much more pronounced in the other writings of Apuleius : cp. Flor. i and Met. xi. 25. Examples in the Apology are c. 44 inuertisset . . . conspuisset . . . contr axis set . . . succussisset . . . corruisset. c. 53 adseruabani . . .
1
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
exponebam . . . commendabam , . . permitiebani : also the passage in c. i8 quoted under {a\
(d) Apuleius is fond of lists sometimes for the sake of balance, and sometimes to impress his audience by the extent of his learning. E.g. c. 30 tile enim quantum scio enumerat uittas mollis ei uerbenas pinguis et tura mascula et licia discolora, prae- terea laurum fragilem, limum durabilem^ ceram liquabilem. c. 4 omnem gratiam corpore deterget, habitudinem tenuat^ sucum ex- sorbet^ colorem obliterate uigorem debilitat. For others see cc. 13, 22, 24, 25, 32, 34, 35, 59, 85, 92. In these and many other examples the same order is retained through the parallel expressions.
But sometimes {e) the enumeration is wholly or partially chiastic. e.g. c. 25 scelera immania et inconcessa maleficia et artis nefandas. c. 30 Theocriti paria et alia Homeri et Orphei plurima. c. 3 1 Mercurius carminum uector et illex animi Venus et Luna noctium conscia et manium potens Triuia. c. Z-^ patent artes tuae^fraudes hiant, detectum mendacium est. In certain cases it is only the last member of the list that has its order rearranged : c. 14 et luto uigor et saxo color et picturae rigor et motus omnibus. c. 2 2 quod regibus diade??tae quod imperatoribus paludamentum^ quod pontificibus galerum^ quod liiuus auguribus. And a few lines below lustrator orbis^ purgator ferarum, gentium domitor. c. 88 inter suboles herbarum et propagines uitium et arbonim germina. c. 98 ipse domi tuae rector^ ipse familiae dominus^ ipse magister conuiuio.
(/) Apuleius shares the Elizabethans' love of the triplet^ three parallel expressions applied to the same thing, c. 7 <?i- . . . animi uestibulum et orationis ianua et cogitationum comitium. c. 25 rite nosse atque scire atque caller e leges caerimoniarum^ fas sacrorum, ius religionum. c. 55 inultiiuga sacra et pluriinos riius et uarias caerimonias. c. 67 tam falsa, tarn nihili, tam inania. c. 93 ego uero quietis et concordiae et pietatis auctor, conciliator, fauisor. He is also fond of giving three parallel illustrations 141-31 li d 2
INTRODUCTION
of a principle : c. 26 sicarium qui in iudicium uocat, comitaius uenit : qui uenenarium accusat, scruptdosius cibatur : qui fitrem arguity sua cusiodit. c. 32 qui myoparonem quaesierit pirata erit et qui uectem perfossor et qui gladium sicarius.
II. Diffuseness and redundancy are specially characteristic of the style of Apuleius, as in fact of Asiatic oratory generally. More than half of Koziol's book on the style of Apuleius is devoted to the consideration of the varieties of this feature. Of the different forms of it we may particularize the following :
{a) The coupling of synonyms : this is extraordinarily fre- quent. Cp. with nouns c. i copia etfacultas. c. 8 maledictis et calumniis. c. 81 carcere et robore ; with adjectives c. 2i pudentis et uerecundi. c. 7 propatulo et conspicuo. c. 76 falsum et imaginarium . . . secura et intrepida ; with verbs c. 28 con- uincam ac refutabo. c. 46 postulo et flagito ; with adverbs c. 62 palam atque aperte. c. 100 grauiter et acerbe.
(b) Adverbs or ablatives are used which simply repeat the meaning of the verb ; e.g. c. 7 deorsum ad pedes deiectu??i. c. 15 C07itrauersi77i respondeant. c. 16 recondat penitus,foras exserat. c. 35 for as euoluuntur. And again c. i crebrts flagitionibus prouocaui. c. 10 igni deussit. c. /\2 praesagio praedixisse. c. 68 frustrationibus eludit. c. 79 aniino putauit. c. 98 fnagnafugela fugit. (Cp. the use of nu7nero with numbers and words like tot, cc. 40, 47^ etc.)
{c) Otiose adjectives or genitives are used. Cp. c. 1 7 mutuarias operas cum uicinis tuis cambies^ where the adjective has added practically nothing to the meaning of the verb. c. 6 tenuem puluisculum. c. 10 1 exiguum herediolum^ where the adjective only reiterates the force of the diminutive termination, and c. 6 labes sordiuniy where the genitive is synonymous with the noun on which it depends (see Brock, pp. 212-13).
{d) Doubling of adverbs and conjunctions in asyndeton, c. 32 ergo propterea. cc. 44 and loi hie ibidem, c. 37 tu7?i
lii
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
in eo tempore, c. 73 tunc deinde. c. 70 tandem aliquando (a Ciceronian use).
(^) A love of employing long words instead of short, which sometimes leads to the introduction of words which apparently are coined, c. 50 omniniodis maculaiionibus conuariat. c. 75 omnimodis collurchinationibus dilapidauit. Apuleius would have sympathized with Osric in Hamlet.
(/) Descriptive periphrases, which Apuleius affects especially for the names of people. He uses them in three ways, (i) With the person's name, to give information to his audience : c. 37 Sophocles poeta Euripidi aemulus et super stes. (2) To avoid the repetition of the name (somewhat in the manner affected by modern journalists) : c. 15 Demosthenen uero . . . ilk summus orator. (3) Taking the place of the name entirely. Thus in cc. 7 and 32 Homer \?> poeta praecipuus (as in Flor. 2 he \% poeta egregius and in Met. ix. it, priscae poeticae diuinus auctor). So Vergil in c. 10 is Mantuanus poeta^ in c. 9 Sappho is mulier Lesbia, and in the same chapter Anacreon, Alcman, and Simonides are Teitis quidam et Lacedaemonius et Cius. In the Metamorphoses the periphrases are usually for mythological personages : e. g. Paris in iv. 30 is pastor ille, cuius iustitiam fidemque magnus comprobauit luppiter. Ganymede in vi. 15 is pocillatorem Frygium ; in vi. 24 pocillator ille rusticus puer. But Socrates is also called (x. "t^-^ diuinae prudentiae senex^ quem sapientia praetulit cunctis mortalibus deus Delphicus.
(g) Rhetorical repetition of the same word, a feature which he shares with all Roman orators, c. 17 nescis . . . nescis. c. 70 nescis ti . . . nescis ti. c. 87 neget (repeated four times). c. 102 negant (repeated three times), c. 93 suasi . . . suasi^ inquam. c. 100 aperi . . . aperi. c. 103 reum (three times).
{h) Redundant pronouns. See note on eam, c. 2.
(/) There is a tendency on the part of Van der Vliet and some other editors to bracket apparently redundant clauses, but redundancy is so much a part of Apuleius' style that it is
liii d 3
INTRODUCTION
probable the phrases were part of the original text : e. g, c. 68 cum quo iubebatur \cum Sicinio Claro : seclus. Brantius]. c. 29 ad quod solent \ad piscem caphmdum : seclus. Scriverius], on which see note in commentary.
III. Apuleius has an extraordinary love of , variety, which shows itself not only in variation of form, but in the use of different constructions with the same verb, and variation of vocabulary, very often in the same chapter or even the same sentence. Thus in c. 15 he has an almost morbid dislike for repeating the same word for to ' think ', and has ut Flaio arbitratur . . . ut Archytas ptitat . . , tit Stoici retitur. In c. 44 exhiberi denuntiastis is followed by denuntiauit ut exhiberemus (c. 63 ut exhiberem non demi?tttastis ?). In cc. 16 and^5i miror is used with si^ in cc. 40, 71, and 88 it is used with quod. Other examples of variety 2iXQ praesertim cum (c. 36), praesertim quod (c. 40) ; quantum scio (c. 30), quantum sciam (c. 40), and quod sciam (c. 38); me prae ceteris maluisse (c. 71), me aliis omnibus mallet (c. 73) ; si ullum lucrum cogitarem (c. 66), si quern auarum uirum nacta esset (c. 71); cofnitiali morbo ad- temptatur (c. 50), ex crapula helluo adtemptatur (c. 59). So, too, we find almost side by sidiQpotius and magis in c. 15 without any apparent difference of meaning: in c. 75 7tec mentior and non mentior are both used parenthetically ; in c. 10 1 praesens est is immediately followed by adest', while fabricatum and fabricatam used passively in cc. 62, 63 are followed in the latter chapter hy fabricatus est as a deponent.
IV. Alliteration and assonance appear in many forms :
(a) The ordinary initial alliteration is' constant. This is commonest with the letter p : e. g. in c. 8 ut bono potui poculum, praelauitur ', c. 29 et pomum et panem pretio mutaui ', c. 74 pari pertinacia prohibitu7n, and many more. Next in frequency is c : e. g. in c. 12 corpora commendet, a contumelia etc.; c. 44 cuius caput contingat ; c. 63 in capite crispatus capillus. Other alliterations are with m as c. 51 magi et malefici hominis esse
liv
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
morbis mederi\ with / as c. t^y fortasse per famam peruulgatam fides fuis set ; with / as c. 74 locus^ lustrum^ lupanar ; with ti as c. 69 uidtdtaiis ems uelut qiiandam uirginitatem carminibus et uenenis uiolarem\ with /^ as c, 76 rursum post recens repudium; with / as c. 70 te tuomet testimonio. Less frequently with initial vowels : but cp. c. 30 ad amoris ardorem accendendum ; and c. 51 est enim etiam eius egregius liber. Sometimes initial syllables are repeated : cp. c. 4 crinium crimen ; c. 60 importuna impudentia; c. 82 immanem inuidiam apud imperitos.
(^) Apuleius is fond of elaborate patterns of alliteration. Dr. Purser {Cupid and Psyche^ p. xci) has called attention to the close resemblance in this as in other respects to the style of Lyly's Euphues. Sometimes the alliteration is alternate^ whether (i) with four words as c. 8 contendat maiorem curam munditiariim. c. 46 ait pueros alios producturum 2in6. enim pro- ducieos pueros. c. ^() pr imam caus am primordiis corporis, c. 91 diuidua pars dotis posteriori ) or (2) with five words : c. 17 uillam publicam uenerat, parum uisum. c. 29 quaeri piscictilos, quod pretio quaerebantur ; or (3) with as many as seven words : c. 47 de quindecim seruis denuntiasti : quid si de ui. At other times the alliteration is chiasiic. e.g. c. 13 ueniam Platoni philosopho uorsuum. c. 28 pro accusationis longitudine largiter aquae. c. 80 nusquam mulier magian nominauit. Occasionally a word beginning with a different letter is the central point of the chiasmus, c. 29 quodne piscatores mihi piscem quaesierunt? c. 82 confessionem mulieris de magia cognosci. At other times again the alliterative words go in pairs : c. 50 candore compressi aeris albida. c. 98 {si per) uerum uelis, multi mirantur.
In c. 34 the eleven words after comendo capillo quaesitum have only three initial letters : uel aucupandis uolantibus piscem accipi- trem aut uenandis apris piscem apriculum aut. A good example of continued alliteration in various forms will be found in the end of c. 51 and beginning of c. 52.
{c) Words with the same prefix are used together : c. 4
Iv
INTRODUCTION
implexiis atqiie impeditus. c. ii profiteri et promulgare. c. 14 infusum . . . incusum . . . inustum . . . illitum. c. 40 interspersa atque interseminaia. c. 43 redigi ac redire. c. 50 obruit et obiurbat. c. 58 compositum et conimentum. c. 74 exossis et eneruis. c. 9 7 <9<^/^// et obsternit,
(d) Words with different prefixes are used together : c. 9 pro implexis . . . complexiim, c. 14 ineimte . . . obeuntem. c. 45 dissimulas . . . insimulas. c. 65 ignoscendi . . . cognoscendi. c. 76 exsoleto . . . obsoleto. c. 81 experiendo . . . comperisti. c. 101 perorare . . . exorare.
{e) Words are used together with and without prefix: c. 15 iurganti . . . obiurganti. c. 30 /undo . . . prof undo. c. 77 modicus . . . immodicus (so in Tertullian). c. 79 subscribitiir . . . scribitur. c. 93 suasi . . . persuasi. c. 103 reuereri . . . uereri.
(/) Adjectives of similar sound and meaning are coupled : c. 7 libero et liberali (see Koziol, p. 208, and note in this commentary, ad loc).
(g) Words similar but for one letter are used together : most of these are recognized assonances that have appeared before Apuleius' time: c. 9 dum potiar, patiar. c. 15 pingi . . . fingi. c. 16 uel uda uel suda. c. 56 locus aut lucus. c. 84 aniens amans. c. 85 uiuenti et uidenti. c. 102 ueneficium . . . bene- "Hcium,
{h) The pun and play upon words is very common : (i) at times it is a mere jingle without any connexion of meaning or any antithesis in the sentence : e. g. c. 18 audirent, auderesne. c. 26 concessum est magum esse haud magis quam regnare. c. 66 causa . . . cassani. c. 67 uirus . . . uiribus. c. ^7,liberorum . . . liberius. (2) Again advantage may be taken of the similar sound to make an antithesis or climax : c. 9 tempore tempora. c. 58 plumae . . . plunibeae. c. 62 oppido. c. 63 scelestus . . . sceletum. c. Z^^foras . . .forum (in some of these examples the original derivation is the same : in others the resemblance is purely accidental). (3) Different words from the same stem
Ivi
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
are purposely used together, c. 5 disertissimum, disserere, dis- sertabo. c. 7 oris . . . orator, c. 55 sudores . . . sudariolo. c. 63 larua77i . . . laruatus. c. 83 tweaks . . . uoceni. (4) There are plays on two meanings of the same word. c. ^ florem . . . floribus. c. i^definibus. c. 31 ab aestibus . . . adaestus. c. 51 caducis . . . caducas. c. 5 2 torquet . . . contrahit . . . illiditur are all with double meanings, c. 86 litteras attigisses. (5) There remains yet another kind of pun, where the play is made not upon the word actually expressed, but upon one connected with it in meaning. Thus in c. 4 capitale is a pun not on crinium but on capitis which it suggests, and in c. 35 alga is a pun not on querceram (ague), but on algorem (shivering), which would be its natural concomitant.
V. Diminutives. The use of diminutives was characteristic rather of the age than of the man ; it was a common feature of ordinary speech, stimulated in literature by the archaistic revival, for the oldest Latin poets, such as Ennius and Plautus, had a large number in their works : the influence of rhetoric also was partly responsible for their frequent presence (see Brock, p. 189; Kretschmann, pp. 65 ff.; Ronsch, Itala und Vulgata, pp. 93-100).
Appearing for the first time in Apuleius are : ampliusculns (c. 75) ; aquariolus (c. "]?>)', flticticulus (c. 35) ; gingiuida (c. 6) ; Mercuriolus (c. 61); sudariolum (c. 55); tuniidulus (c. 6); ueretilla (c. 34).
New senses are given to : dejttiadus, lit. (c. 8) ; for7tacula, met. (c. 74); sigillum^ never sing, in class. Lat. (c. 62).
Others used in this speech, if we omit common words like agelluSf libelluSj osculum^ iabei/a, etc. are: aetatula (c. 2); apriculus (c. 34) ; arula (c. 42) ; assula (c. 35) ; caliculus (c. 35); centun- culus (c. 13); clausula (c. 84); conchula (c. 35); corculum (c. 40) ; hamulus {c. 32); herediolum (c. loi) ; linteolum (c. 53); pauculus (c. 17); perula (c. 22); pisciculus (c. 29); puerulus (c. 27) ; puluisculus (c. 6) ; resticula (c. 35).
Ivii
INTRODUCTION
The diminutive force of the termination is being weakened, for we have such combinations as tenuem puluisculu7n (c. 6) ; exiguum herediolum (c. loi).
VI. Greek words and Graecisms. Kretschmann (p. 69) and Purser (p. xcv) call attention to the paucity of Greek words that Apuleius uses. Purser only enumerates seven in the Cupid and Psyche narrative, which he describes as the chief ones. But a much longer list can be produced from the Apology^ even if we eliminate the commonest words like poeta^ philo- sophus, eptstula, thesaurus, and those which have taken a Latinized form as obsono and crapula.
We may note in the Apology, abacus (c. i6); architedus (c. 74); barathrum (c. 83); basilica (c. 73); bucolicus (c. 10); choragium, crocota (c. 13); chorus (c. 31); daemonion (c. 27) 'Um (c. 63); delfinus (c. 32); diadema (c. 22); dialecticus (cc. 15, 80); donax (c. 9); elleborum (c. 32); epistolium (cc. 6, 79); exoticus (c. 8); gagates (c. 45); geometria, -icus (cc. 16, 61); hebenum, originally a Phoenician word (c. 61) ; hepatia (c. 41); iambicus (c. 10); magia (ace. -««), -icus^ -us (cc. 2, 29, etc.); mechanica (c. 61); myoparo (c. 32); mystes^ mysterium (cc. 55, 56); octaphoron (c. 76); palaestricus, palae- strita (cc. 63, 48); parasitus (c. 100); pera (c. 22); physicus (c. 45) ; pirata (c. 32) ; problema (c. 36) ; sceletus oltt. Xcy. (cc. 61 and 63); symposium (c. 57); syrma (c. 13); thymelicus (c. 13); tyrannis (c. 18). Apuleius (c. 38) prides himself on finding Latin equivalents for a technical Greek vocabulary.
The constructions which can be called definitely Graecisms in the Apology are few, and are not as a rule original to Apuleius, but have come to him through earlier Latin literature. Cp. c. 10 abstinens nominum (Hor.), the Greek genitive of ablation as with dTraXXarTo/xai. c. 19 huius animi frustra es = Greek genitive with o-<^aXXo/xai. c. ^oforas corporis :=■ the Greek genitive with c^w. c. 90 omnium purgaui (Hor.) = the Greek genitive of ablation as with KaOatpix). c. 3 male audio
Iviii
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
= Greek KaKw? aKovin^ but quod libentius audit {c. 56) is a direct reminiscence of Horace. This idiom may, however, be indigenous.
Other constructions that have been called Graecisms are very disputable. Thus c. 36 Platonis minor es is like the Greek genitive of comparison if minores = posieri^ but an ordinary possessive genitive if it = discipuli. In c. ()"] paucorum mensium^ if it means ' within a few months ', would be apparently a unique example in Latin : it probably depends upon hereditatem^ the antecedent of quam. The construction of c. 79 credo quod amabat has been represented as due to on with the indicative (this construction has already appeared in bell. Hisp. and Fetr.\ but this would not account for the constant use of quQd with the subjunctive (= that), e. g. in c. 67. So again the omission oipotius with quam in cc. 28, 82, and 103, the use of the genitive of the personal pronoun, as in cc. i, 4, 25, etc., the construction tantus animi in c. 22, have been labelled Graecisms, but without sufficient justification. The general tendency to graecize Latin in Africa was a later phenomenon (see Brock, pp. 202-7).
Vn. New words. Apuleius provides a very large number of words that appear in his pages for the first time : some of these he probably coined for the purpose of providing an exact balance : to others he gave literary currency, feeling that they had a definite value. There are words still in use among our- selves which first appear in his writings : e. g. culpable, inter- sperse, beatific, initial. It will be noticed that a very large number of his new words are either abstract nouns, or nouns ending in -tor or -trix. In the following list words which I believe to be aTra^ X^yo^eva and not to be found outside the Apology are asterisked, words found elsewhere in Apuleius, but not outside his writings, are obelized :
Nouns :
|
adgnomentum |
c. 56 |
Cledon. Gramm." |
|
busequa |
c. 10 lix |
;Sid. Ep.] |
INTRODUCTION
|
*cluden |
c. 78. |
|
|
coemptor |
c. 74 [Hil." |
|
|
collurchinatio |
c. 75 [CI. Mam." |
|
|
fcommeator |
c. 64. |
|
|
commentator |
c. 74 [Tert., Sid. Ep., Serv. |
|
|
etc. |
||
|
commixtio |
c, 32 [Arn. Hier. Aug. etc. |
|
|
*complanator |
c. 6. |
|
|
*concrementum |
c. 49. |
|
|
conditrix conditus |
c. 18 [Macr. Tert. etc. c. 24 [Censor, etc.] |
|
|
*conuerritor |
c. 6. |
|
|
degulator |
c. 75 |
Isid.] |
|
demersus |
c. 21 |
Firm.] |
|
*depector |
c. 74. |
|
|
tdissimulamentum |
c. 87. |
|
|
*emasculator |
c. 74. |
|
|
famulitium |
c. 17 [Macr. Spart. Mart. |
|
|
Cap.] quoted as an old |
||
|
word Paul, ex Fest. |
||
|
tfeminal |
c. 33- |
|
|
fluor |
c. 15, but used med. byCelsus. |
|
|
*formidamen |
c. 64. |
|
|
*genitus |
c. 36. |
|
|
gulo |
c, 32 [Macr. |
|
|
illectamentum |
cc. 98, 102 [CI. Mam." |
|
|
insimulator |
c. 30 [Pacat.] |
|
|
*interfeminium |
c. 33' . |
|
|
*lustrator = ranger |
c. 22 [in Schol. luv. = clean- |
|
|
ser]. |
||
|
machinatus |
c. 74 [Sid. Ep.' |
|
|
maculatio |
c. 50 [Firm.] |
|
|
*memoraculum |
c. 56. |
|
|
nimietas |
c. 19 [Arn. Eutr. etc. |
|
|
*obiectamentum |
C. I. |
|
|
*occursaculum |
c. 64. |
|
|
olenticetum |
c. 8 [CI. Mam.] |
|
|
opertus |
c. 56 [Macr. Paul. Nol.' |
|
|
ostentatrix |
c. 76 [Prud.] |
|
|
*possessus |
c. 13. |
|
|
praeministra |
c. 8[] |
Macr.J |
Ix
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
|
*praeripia (pi.) |
c. 8. |
||
|
*procatio (em. Casaubon) |
c. 72. |
||
|
purgator |
c. 22 [Firm. August.] |
||
|
repertrix |
c. 18 [Tert. Hier.] |
||
|
truratio |
c. 56. |
||
|
sospitator |
c. 64 |
"Arn.' |
|
|
spurium |
c. 35 |
'Isid." |
|
|
sustentus (or sustentatus) |
c. 21 |
Dig. Cod. Theod." |
|
|
terriculamentum |
c. 64 |
"Sid. Ep.] |
|
|
ttersus |
c. 6. |
||
|
tristitudo |
c. 32 [Sid. Ep. |
||
|
*uillico |
c. 87. |
||
|
*uisitor |
c. 98. |
||
|
*uolpio |
c. 86. |
||
|
Adjectives^ etc. : |
|||
|
benesuadus |
c. 18 [Carm. Epig. Christ. |
||
|
candificus |
c. 6 [Eug. Tolet.] |
||
|
*certabundus |
c. 22. |
||
|
*cuiusuis |
c. 82. |
||
|
culpabilis |
c. 14 [Tert. Arn. Hier. etc. |
||
|
dulciloquus |
c. 9 [Aus.] |
||
|
effabilis |
c. 64 [Amm. |
||
|
*excusabundus |
c. 79. |
||
|
exossis |
c. 40 [Sid. Ep. |
||
|
fetulentus |
c. 7 [Am.] |
||
|
tincredundus |
c. 47. |
||
|
initialis ^ |
c. 64 [Agg. Urb. |
||
|
*instudiosus |
c. 40. |
||
|
inuestis |
c. 98 [Serv. Tert.; c. 92 [Sid. Ep.] |
||
|
irreposcibilis |
|||
|
liquabilis |
c. 30 [Prud.] |
||
|
*mutuarius |
c. 17. |
||
|
omnimodus |
c. 50 [Vulg.] |
||
|
ouiparus |
c. 38 [Fulg. Aus. |
||
|
*peregregius |
c. 37. |
||
|
tpericlitabundus |
c. 72. |
||
|
*qualisnam |
C. 2. |
||
|
*spumabundus |
c. 44. |
||
|
*spumidus |
c. 50. |
||
|
*uiuiparus |
c. 38( |
see note). |
Ixi
INTRODUCTION
Verbs
|
cambio |
c. 17 |
(see note). |
|
circulo |
c. 89 [Gael. Mart, etc/ c. 62 [Iren. Vulg. etc.] |
|
|
commentior |
||
|
conuario |
c. 50 fintrans. in Gael, c. 85 [Sid. Ep.] |
|
|
exacerbesco |
||
|
*exdorso (?) |
c. 42. |
|
|
*obructo |
c. 59. |
|
|
*obsterno |
c. 97. |
|
|
*obtinnio |
c. 48. |
|
|
praelauo |
c. 8 [Theod. Prise] |
|
|
praesago |
c. 43 [Hier. Gassiod. |
|
|
proquirito |
c. 82 [Sid. Ep., Gl. Mam.; |
|
|
*prospiro |
c. 50. |
|
|
*splendido |
c. 103. |
|
|
subneruo |
c. 84 [Tert. Ambros. Vulg. c. 38 [Arn.] |
|
|
surio |
||
|
transuoro |
c. 93 [Arn. Gael.] |
|
|
*uerbigero |
c. 73- |
|
|
Participles : |
||
|
defaeneratus |
c. 75 [Ambros.gerund.inGic. |
|
|
effigiatus |
c. 14 [Tert. Min. Prud. Amm. |
|
|
Sid. Ep. etc. |
||
|
graecatus |
c. 87 |
verb in Hor. |
|
immedicatus |
c. 76 |
"Paul. Hil.] |
|
*intergarritus |
c. 17." |
|
|
*interseminatus |
c. 40. |
|
|
tinterspersus |
c, 40. |
|
|
obcantatus |
c. 84 [Paul.] |
|
|
*proliquatus |
c. 15. |
|
|
Adverbs : |
0 |
|
|
ambifariam |
c. 4 [Sid. Ep., Aug." |
|
|
tcohibiliter [ius |
c. 36 |
adj. in Gell. |
|
competentissime |
c. 65 |
'Aug. cod. Theod. |
|
*congestim |
c. 35- |
|
|
*contrauersim |
c. 15. |
|
|
tnuper usque |
cc. 16 |
and 23. |
(N.B. — Apuleius uses new of participles, e. g. depenso, c.
adverbial forms from the ablative
29 ; testato, cc. 78, Zt,.)
Ixii
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
Comparatives and superlatives special to Apuleius will be noted in the commentary.
Vni. Poetical reminiscences are naturally to be found in Apuleius' writings. ^ " Fine " writing always tends to assume a certain poetical tone, and this poetical prose of the rhetoricians silenced all true poetry. There is really no poetry in the Antonine age ; rhetoric took its place ' (Purser, p. Ixxxvii). In this speech there are not many instances of the eK(^pacrei9 or poetical descriptions which are so numerous in the Metamorphoses ; c. 63 with the description of Mercury's statue is the best example, but the pseudo-disparagement of his own personal appearance in c. 4 partakes of the same character. Among individual reminiscences of Roman poets, apart from explicit allusions to them, we may notice :
(«) Naevius c. "j^ quod male partum erat ut male periret. {b) Lucretius c. 14 ritu cadaueris (cp. Lucr. vi. 1155).
c. 16 in loco lumine collustrato (cp. Lucr. v.
575). {c) Catullus c. 6 the word epistohum (cp. Cat. Ixviii. 2).
c. 16 albus an ater (c"^. Cat. xciii. 2), but the phrase is proverbial. . (d) Vergil c. 8 uenenum inspirare {^G. iv. 236). c. 16 sulcos rugarum {A. vii. 417). c. 1^ paruo potens {A. vi. 844). c. 53 crudae senectutis [A. vi. 304). c. 57 animum explesse (A. ii. 586). c. 60 pinnarum formidines {A, xii. 750). c. 77 haud mollia {G. iii. 41, etc.). {e) Horace c. 23 tanti estis quantum habetis {Sat. i. i. 62). c. 56 libentius audit [Sat. ii. 6. 20). c, 57 uincit idem sagacitate odorandi canes et
uulturios {Epod, xii. 4). c. 64 omnia noctium occursacula {Epod. v. 92). (/) Ovid c, 36 occidua senectute {Met. xv. 226).
IX. Archaism and vulgarism. Apuleius might well have been criticized in the words of Lucian's Lexipha?2es (c. 17)
Ixiii
INTRODUCTION
^7]Tco . . . oTTOv KaraKXetcras e^X^^ toctovtov e(rjxbv aTOTroiV Kal ota- aTp6<f)(jt)v ovo/JLOLTOiv, wv TO, filv avTos e7roirj(Ta<i, ra Be KaTopoipvyfJiiva TToOev ava(nrQ)v . . . toctovtov jSop/^opov (rvvepavLcra^ KaT'^VTX.rjcrd'S fxov.^ We have seen his fondness for inventing words : we find also in him a large number of words and phrases which had been used in the earliest writers and especially the comedians. But the problem is insoluble in many cases whether these words reach him as literary reminiscences or as examples of ordinary speech. At first the vulgar and literary Latin would not have been widely apart : then as a classical style was formed a process of rejection would banish many words which had been previously in use ; finally the influence of archaism would restore to literary usage the pre-classical idiom. So that vulgarism is very difficult to distinguish from archaism. With us the same word may be Shakespearian or Miltonian and provincial ; thus in Pembrokeshire to ' mich ' ( r= to play truant, as in Shakespeare) and ' rathe ' ( = early, as in Milton) are in common use : so that the same word might be a literary affectation or homely colloquialism in accordance with the context or general purpose of the writer. A word can be hailed as slang (e. g. slog, spook) whose literary relationships show a respectable birth, but a decline in fortune ; literary purism might reject a word like ' chuck ', which can be used courageously with great effect by Newman.^ With Apuleius the difficulty of determining whether his use of an old phrase is an archaism or the employment of current idiom is increased by the fact that his own influence was so strong upon succeed- ing writers that its reappearance in Arnobius, Tertullian, and Cyprian need not show that any expression was current in the second and third centuries (still less that it was current in Africa): for it may be derived in them from Apuleius himself.
1 Cp. Sen. Ep. 114, 10, who condemns one qm modo avtiqua uerha at que exsoleta reuocat ac profert, modo fingit ignota ac dejledii.
2 Dream of Gerontius.
Ixiv
THE STYLE OF THE APOLOGY
Leky and Desertine try to show by a collection of words and phrases from Plautus and the other comedians that the syntax and vocabulary of Apuleius were largely derived from them, but the actual phrases in the Apology that can be claimed as reminiscences of particular passages are few; in no case is Plautus mentioned, as in Florida 2, and in no case is a line quoted in full from Plautus as in that passage. Twice, however, there is a quotation from comedy : once from Afranius in c. 1 2, once from an unknown comedian in c. 85, and in c. 5 a reference is made to a remark of Caecilius that innocence is eloquence. The passages that seem most like direct reminiscence are c. 42 disquamari et exdorsari (cp. Plaut. Aul. 398); c. 51 fidem arbitratus (cp. Plaut. Bacch. 570); c. 59 quid sit diei (cp. Plaut. Trin. 811). Some of the archaic idioms were almost certainly used in common speech ; e. g. suus sibi (cc. 6, 69) ; nemo quisquam (c. 7); nullus for non (c. 29, found in Cicero's letters); beasti (c. 37); morem mihi habeo (c. 63). Others are proverbial, as uertit cornua (c. 81, cp. Plaut. Pseud. 102 1). Others illustrate a force which was operative in later colloquial Latin, such as the unnecessary composition with a prefix : e. g. dispudet^Q.. 63); complacitus (c. 15). Others are found both in Plautus and in silver age writers : e. g. cupiens with the genitive (c. 73, found six times in Tacitus). But there are words like oppido and autumo which Quintilian tells us were extinct or growing extinct in his time, and some forms and phrases have a distinctly archaic appearance : e.g. scilicet fuisse (c. 29); qui di perduint (c. 75) ; credo omnium rerum (c. 73). The number of expressions common to the comedians and Apuleius is admittedly very large (they will be noticed individually in the commentary), but the classification of all of them into archaistic and colloquial is too largely a matter of inference to be attempted here.
X. ' Romance ' idioms. Throughout the history of the Latin language we find the beginnings of that analytic use of language
Ixv
INTRODUCTION
which recast it into the forms of the Romance languages. In comedy and in Cicero's letters this is noticeable, and we find it markedly so in Apuleius, where other Low-Latin tendencies are recognizable. A few may be noticed in the Apology :
(i) An extension of the use of habeo as an auxiliary. It is found in Cicero with comperUim^ dictu7n^ etc., and also in the idiom habeo dicere.
(2) The verb sum is used analytically with the participle: praesens est (cc. 62. loi) is not a very striking example, but cp. de M. II. suntflantes (see Leky, p. 35). The pluperfect instead of imperfect is used to form the pluperfect of a verb, c. 68 nupta fuerat, etc.
(3) The otiose preposition is very common where the case- ending alone would have been sufficient : e. g. c. 4 ab ore honestissimos (a comic use), c. 57 in eo tempore (= at that time), in paucis mensibus (= within a few months), cc. 5, 74 ex summis uiribus (a comic use), Wolfflin, Archivf. hit. Lex. vi, p. 5, says that this is prior to the revival of archaism, being found in Florus : ' bei Florus ist an plautinische Reminiscenzen nicht zu denken.' KroU, lih. Mus. Hi. 576, disputes this. c. 71 prae ceteris maluisse. A widely extended use of ad is noticeable.
(4) The gerund in -do is used instead of the present participle as in modern Italian.
(5) Iste is used for hie (c. 18, etc.), as commonly in mediaeval Latin and in Romance languages (e. g. Span. este\
(6) Eccille reappears in literary Latin (cp. Ital. quello).
(7) The pluperfect is often used for the imperfect subjunctive. See note on c. 61 ; cp. Fr. que je fusse^ etc.
A. S. O.
Ixvi
APVLEI APOLOGIA
SIGLA
F = Laurentianus 68. 2 0 = Laurentianus 29. 2
Codices Deteriores
L} = Laurentianus 54. 32 Z^ = Laurentianus 54. 12 Z' = Laurentianus 54. 13 A = Ambrosianus N. 180 V^ = Vat. (Lat.) 2193 V = Vat. (Lat.) 3384 V^ = Ottob. Vat. 2047 V*' = Ottob. Vat. 2091 V^= Urb. Vat. 199 N = Neapol. IV. G. 55 i]/i= Marcianus L. Z. 469 ^1/^^= Marcianus CI. 14. 34 D == Sandanielensis 91 T = Tolosanus 827 8 = Cod. Doruillianus (Leid. Oud, 34) B = Mus. Brit. Add. 24893 V = lectiones uulgatae * = rasura
APVLEI APOLOGIA
Certvs equidem eram proque uero obtinebam, Maxime i Claudi quique in consilio estis, Sicinium Aemilianum, senem notissimae temeritatis, accusationem mei prius apud te coeptam quam apud se cogitatam penuria criminum solis conuiciis impleturum ; quippe insimulari quiuis innocens 5 potest, reuinci nisi nocens non potest, quo ego uno prae- cipue confisus gratulor medius fidius, quod mihi copia at facultas te iudice obtigit purgandae apud imperitos philo- sophiae et probandi mei ; quanquam istae calumniae ut prima specie graues, ita ad difficultatem defensionis repen- 10 tinae fuere. nam, ut meministi, dies abhinc quintus an sextus est, cum me causam pro uxore mea Pudentilla ad- uersus Granios agere aggressum de composito necopinantem patroni eius inCessere maledictis et insimulare magicorum maleficiorum ac denique necis Pontiani priuigni mei coepere. 15 quae ego cum intellegerem non tam crimina iudicio quam obiectamenta iurgio prolata, ultro eos ad accusandum crebris flagitationibus prouocaui. ibi uero Aemilianus cum te quoque acrius motum et ex uerbis rem factam uideret, quae- rere occepit ex diffidentia latibulum aliquod temeritati. 20 igitur Pontianum fratris sui filium, quem paulo prius occisum 2 a me clamitarat, postquam ad subscribendum compellitur,
I. Inscriptio deest in F : madavrensis apvlei platonici de magia LIBER PRiMVS 0 13 agere gressum {suprascr. ag) (p : aggressum i^ nescto quid suprascriptum est quod legi uix potest ; fortasse agere 14 patroni F<p {in F tro dcletuni est, sed patroni suprascripsit m. rec^ 20 occepit (\) {ex ace-) : accepit F
a. I quem] qui A Bosscha
APVLEI APOLOGIA 2, 3
ilico oblitus est ; de morte cognati adulescentis subito tacere. tanti criminis descriptione (ne) tamen omnino desistere
5 uideretur, calumniam magiae, quae facilius infamatur quam probatur, earn solum sibi delegit ad accusandum. ac ne id quidem de professo audet, uerum postera die dat libellum nomine priuigni mei Sicini Pudentis admodum pueri et adscribit se ei assistere, nouo more per alium lacessendi,
10 scilicet ut obtentu eius aetatulae ipse insimulationis falsae non plecteretur. quod tu cum sollertissime animaduertisses et idcirco eum denuo iussisses proprio nomine accusationem delatam sustinere, poUicitus ita facturum ne sic quidem quitus est ut comminus ageret percelli, set iam et aduersum
15 te contumaciter eminus calumniis uelitatur. ita totiens ab accusandi periculo profugus in assistendi uenia perseuerauit. igitur et priusquam causa ageretur, facile intellectu cuiuis fuit, qualisnam accusatio futura esset, cuius qui fuerat pro- fessor et machinator idem fieri auctor timeret, ac praesertim
20 Sicinius Aemilianus, qui, si quippiam ueri in me explorasset, nunquam profecto tam cunctanter hominem extraneum tot tantorumque criminum postulasset, qui auunculi sui testa- mentum quod uerum sciebat pro falso infamai^it, tanta quidem pertinacia, ut, cum LoUius Vrbicus V. C. uerum uideri et
25 ratum esse debere de consilio consularium uirorum pronun- tiasset, contra clarissimam uocem iurauerit uecordissimus iste, tamen illud testamentum fictum esse, adeo ut aegre
3 Lollius Vrbicus ab eius pernicie temperarit. quam quidem
3 tacere L^ Hehn : tacerem F(f) : tacens 5 V^ ed. princ. 3-4 tacens . . . descriptione (destitit) ; ne tamen coniecit Butler 4 descrip-
tionem LM!^ ne add. Helm tamen * omnino F {quid fuerit
dispici non potest) : tamen omnino <p : tamen ne omnino V^ et alii codd. dett. 14 quitus F {n suprascr. m. rec.) : quintus <^ (in mg,
quitus m. rec.^ percellis etiam et F\ perpellis etiam et ^ \ per- pelli etiam et A 19 auctor ct professor transposuit Pricaeus :
actor H. Muller 23 infamarit v : infamaret F<^ : infamarat ed.
Basil 24 peruicacia ed. princ. 25 consiliarium M^ Lipsius : cla- rissimorum Sahnnsius : consultorum Hirschfeld 26 clarissima
uoce TDU" Casaubonus 27 iste, tamen ita distinxit Dilthey
APVLEI APOLOGIA 3
uocem et tua aequitate et mea innocentia fretus spero in hoc quoque iudicio erupturam, quippe qui sciens innocentem criminatur eo sane facilius, quod iam, ut dixi, mentiens apud praefectum urbi in amplissima causa conuictus est. 5 namque peccatum semel ut bonus quisque postea sollicitius cauet, ita qui ingenio malo est confidentius integrat ac iam de cetero quo saepius, eo apertius delinquit. pudor enim ueluti uestis quanto obsoletior est, tanto incuriosius habetur. et ideo necessarium arbitror pro integritate pudoris mei, 10 priusquam ad rem aggrediar, maledicta omnia refutare. sustineo enim non modo meam, uerum etiam philosophiae defensionem, cuia magnitude uel minimam reprehensionem pro maximo crimine aspernatur, propter quod paulo prius patroni Aemiliani multa in me proprie conficta et alia com- 15 muniter in philosophos sueta ab imperitis mercennaria loquacitate effutierunt. quae etsi possunt ab his utiliter blaterata ob mercedem et auctoramento impudentiae depensa haberi, iam concesso quodam more rabulis id genus, quo ferme solent linguae suae uirus alieno dolori locare, tamen 20 uel mea causa paucis refellenda sunt, ne is^ qui sedulo laboro ut ne quid maculae aut inhonestamenti in me ad- mittam, uidear cuipiam, si quid ex friuolis praeteriero, id agnouisse potius quam contempsisse. est enim pudentis animi et uerecundi, ut mea opinio fert, uel falsas uitupera- 25 tiones grauari, cum etiam hi, qui sibi delicti alicuius conscii sunt, tamen, cum male audiunt, impendio commoueantur et obirascantur, quam quam, exinde ut male facere coeperunt,
3. 9 obsoletior v : obsolentior F(p 13 cuia F(t> [in cuia mutauit m. al. in F) : cuius V V^V^ V^SM^ 14 pro maximo £3^2 (^j,^ ^^^^/) ^^ ^_ rec. in mg. (p : pH=*ximo F (duabus saltern litteris erasis ; quae fuerint dispici non potest) : proximo <^ : proximam V^h crimini V^ :
crimine 5 i6 sueta F(j) : ficta ed. print. : fingi sueta Haupt :
alii alia coniecerunt 17 futiliter Colvius 18 depensa F(p {sed
in F Uji. add. in. rec.) 19 rabulis Colvtus : fabulis Fcp 20
ferme F(j) : ferinae L^V^ 25 falsas uiturationes {siiprascr. pe m. i) (p : falsa* uituratione* {suprascr. pe m. al.) F
1*
APVLEI APOLOGIA 3, 4
consueuerint male audire, quod, si a ceteris silentium est, 30 tamen ipsi sibimet conscii sunt posse se merito increpari ; enimuero bonus et innoxius quisque rudis et imperitas auris ad male audiendum habens et laudis assuetudine contumeliae insolens multo tanta ex animo laborat ea sibi immerito dici, quae ipse possit aliis uere obiectare. quod si forte inepta 35 uidebor et oppido friuola uelle defendere, illis debet ea res uitio uorti, quibus turpe est etiam haec obiectasse, non mihi culpae dari, cui honestum erit etiam haec diluisse.
4 Audisti ergo paulo prius in principio accusationis ita dici : * accusamus apud te philosophum formonsum et tam Graece quamLatine' — pro nefas ! — 'disertissimum.' nisi fallor enim, his ipsis uerbis accusationem mei ingressus est Tannonius
5 Pudens, homo uere ille quidem non disertissimus. quod utinam tam grauia formae et facundiae crimina uere mihi opprobrasset ; non difificile ei respondissem quod Homericus Alexander Hectori :
ov TOL airo/SXrjT earl Oeiov ipLKvSia Scupa, 10 o(T(Ta K€V avTol SwcTLV, eKoiv 8 ovK av TtS eXoLTOf
munera deum gloriosissima nequaquam aspernanda ; quae tamen ab ipsis tribui sueta multis uolentibus non obtingunt. haec ego de forma respondissem. praeterea : licere etiam philosophis esse uoltu liberali ; Pythagoram, qui primus se 15 esse philosophum nuncuparit, eum sui saeculi excellentissima forma fuisse ; item Zenonem ilium antiquum Velia oriundum, qui primus omnium sollertissimo artificio (argumenta) ambi- fariam dissoluerit, eum quoque Zenonem longe decorissimum
29 posi audire grauiter disL <pv 33 tanto UA 36 uorti F(p,
sed in F o in e niitt. n-t. rec. : uerti suprascrips. m. rec. in <p
4. I ergo F : igitur ^ 2 {ormo*sum F, n/oriasse eraso, sed hand
liquet 9 oyTOiano3AHTec • xiBeo) | NepiKydeadova {suprascr. co eadem m.)occaKeNayTOidoL)CiN | cKooNdoyKaNTiceAoyTO i^ 11-12 munera
. . . obtingunt del. Scriverius ii aspernunda F<^, 5^«? m. a/, na
suprascr. in ^ 14 primus Kriiger : primum /"</> se esse F(p :
esse del. Novak : sese Helm 17 argumenta add. Helm : argumentum Van der Vlict 18 dissoluerit T : dissolueret F<^\ disseruerit
Goldhacher
APVLEI APOLOGIA 4, 5
fuisse, ut Plato autumat ; itemque multos philosophos ab ore honestissimos memoriae prodi, qui gratiam corporis morum 20 honestamentis ornauerint. sed haec defensio, ut dixi, ali- quam multum a me remota est, cui praeter formae medio- critatem continuatio etiam litterati laboris omnem gratiam corpore deterget, habitudinem tenuat, sucum exsorbet, colorem obliterat, uigorem debilitat. capillus ipse, quern 25 isti aperto mendacio ad lenociniumdecoris promissum dixere, uides quam sit amoenus ac delicatus, horrore implexus atque impeditus, stuppeo tomento adsimilis et inaequaliter hirtus et globosus et congestus, prorsum inenodabilis diutina incuria non modo comendi, sed saltem expediendi et dis- 30 criminandi : satis ut puto crinium crimen, quod illi quasi capitale intenderunt, refutatur.
De eloquentia uero, si qua mihi fuisset, neque mirum 5 neque inuidiosum deberet uideri, si ab ineunte aeuo unis studiis litterarum ex summis uiribus deditus omnibus aliis spretis uoluptatibus ad hoc aeui baud sciam anne super omnis homines impenso labore diuque noctuque cum de- 5 spectu et dispendio bonae ualetudinis eam quaesissem. sed nihil ab eloquentia metuant, quam ego, si quid omnino promoui, potius spero quam praesto. sane quidem, si uerum est quod Statium Caecilium in suis poematibus scri- psisse dicunt, innocentiam eloquentiam esse, ego uero pro- 10 fiteor ista ratione ac praefero me nemini omnium de eloquentia concessurum. quis enim me hoc quidem pacto eloquentior uiuat, quippe qui nihil unquam cogitaui quod eloqui non auderem ? eundem me aio facundissimum esse, nam omne peccatum semper nefas habui ; eundem disertis- 15 simum, quod nullum meum factum uel dictum extet, de quo
21 ornauerunt nt. rec. in FL^ 27 quam] quam non v : quam
nam 5 28 to:Fmento F<p : tormento AL^L^L^M^ 32 refutatum
est ed. princ.
5. 10 dicunt* F {hi dicant muiauti m. ah, in ntg. adscr. can) : dicanto ^L^ : dicant U"
APVLEI APOLOGIA 5-7
disserere publice non possim ita, ut iam de uorsibus disser- tabo quos a me factos quasi pudendos protulerunt, cum quidem me animaduertisti cum risu illis suscensentem, quod 20 eos absone et indocte pronuntiarent.
6 Primo igitur legerunt e ludicris mels epistolium de dentl- fricio uorsibus scriptum ad quendam Calpurnianum, qui cum aduersum me eas litteras promeret, non uidit profecto cupi- ditate laedendi, si quid mihi ex illis fieret criminosum, id
5 mihi secum esse commune, nam petisse eum a me aliquid tersui dentibus uorsus testantur :
' Calpurniane, salue properis uorsibus. misi, ut petisti, (tibi) munditias dentium, nitelas oris ex Arabicis frugibus, 10 tenuem, candificum, nobilem puluisculum,
complanatorem tumidulae gingiuulae, conuerritorem pridianae reliquiae, ne qua uisatur tetra labes sordium, restrictis forte si labellis riseris.' 15 quaeso, quid habent isti uorsus re aut uerbo pudendum, quid omnino quod philosophus suum nolit uideri? nisi forte in eo reprehendendus sum, quod Calpurniano puluis- culum ex Arabicis frugibus miserim, quem multo aequius erat spurcissimo ritu Hiberorum, ut ait Catullus, sua sibi
7 urina ' dentem atque russam pumicare gingiuam.' uidi ego dudum uix risum quosdam tenentis, cum munditias oris uidelicet orator ille aspere accusaret et dentifricium tanta indignatione pronuntiaret, quanta nemo quisquam
5 uenenum. quidni ? crimen baud contemnendum philo-
17 uorsibus Fcp: uors- ubique scn'psin^us , quanqnam F nonnunquam uers- praehet
6. 8-16 misi . . . nolit uideri post 20 gingiuam hahet F [in mg. H) et (p, sed in (\) ante misi et post uideri '^- m. al. scripsit : ordtnem restttuit Pricaeus 8 tibi munditias Dousa : munditias F^ : mundi-
cinas Lipsiiis: mundiciolas Haeberlin 16 nolit U'V^ : nollit
F<p 20 pumicare F^ : defricare Catullus (39. 19)
APVLEI APOLOGIA 7, 8
sopho, nihil in se sordidum sinere, nihil uspiam corporis aperti immundum pati ac fetulentum, praesertim os, cuius in propatulo et conspicuo usus homini creberrimus, siue ille cuipiam osculum ferat seu cum quiquam sermocinetur siue in auditorio dissertet siue in templo preces alleget : omnem 10 quippe hominis actum sermo praeit, qui, ut ait poeta prae- cipuus, dentium muro proficiscitur. dares nunc aliquem similiter grandiloquum : diceret suo more cum primis cui ulla fandi cura sit impensius cetero corpore os colendum, quod esset animi uestibulum et orationis ianua et cogita- 15 tionum comitium. ego certe pro meo captu dixerim nihil minus quam oris illuuiem libero et liberali uiro competere. est enim ea pars hominis loco celsa, uisu prompta, usu facunda ; nam quidem feris et pecudibus os humile et deorsum ad pedes deiectum, uestigio et pabulo proximum, 20 nunquam ferme nisi mortuis aut ad morsum exasperatis conspicitur : hominis uero nihil prius tacentis, nihil saepius loquentis contemplere. uelim igitur censor meus Aemilia- 8 nus respondeat, unquamne ipse soleat pedes lauare; uel, si id non negat, contendat maiorem curam munditiarum pedibus quam dentibus impertiendam. plane quidem, si quis ita ut tu, Aemiliane, nunquam ferme os suum nisi 5 maledictis et calumniis aperiat, censeo ne ulla cura os per- colat neque ille exotico puluere dentis emaculet, quos iustius carbone de rogo obteruerit, neque saltem communi aqua perluat : quin ei nocens lingua mendaciorum et amaritudi- num praeministra semper in fetutinis et olenticetis suis 10 iaceat. nam quae malum ratio est linguam mundam et
7. 7 aperti immundum Helm : apertum mundum Fcj) : apertum immundum 5 ef m. rec. in rng. <^ 9 quiquam ed. princeps-. quic- quam F^ 19 fecunda V^ humile ** F {quid sit erasum, non liquet^
8. 7 ille F(\) : illo V^ : ullo Lai. Latimus 8 obteruerit <{> : obteruerat F (ra in ras.)
APVLEI APOLOGIA 8, 9
lactam, uocem contra spurcam et tetram possidere, uiperae ritu niueo denticulo atrum uenenum inspirare? ceterum qui sese sciat orationem prompturum neque inutilem neque
15 iniucundam, eius merito os, ut bono potui poculum, prae- lauitur. et quid ego de homine nato diutius? belua im- manis, crocodillus ille qui in Nilo gignitur, ea quoque, ut comperior, purgandos sibi dentis innoxio hiatu praebet. nam quod est ore amplo, set elingui et plerumque in aqua
20 recluso, multae hirudines dentibus implectuntur ; eas illi, cum egressus in praeripia fluminis hiauit, una ex auibus fluuialibus amica auis iniecto rostro sine noxae periculo exsculpit.
9 Mitto haec. uenio ad ceteros uorsus ut illi uocant ama- torios, quos tamen tam dure et rustice legere, ut odium mouerent. sed quid ad magica maleficia, quod ego pueros Scriboni Laeti, amici mei, carmine laudaui ? an ideo magus,
5 quia poeta ? quis unquam fando audiuit tam (ueri) similem suspicionem, tam aptam coniecturam, tam proximum argu- mentum? 'fecit uorsus Apuleius.' si malos, crimen est, nee id tamen philosophi, sed poetae ; sin bonos, quid accusas ? ' at enim ludicros et amatorios fecit.' num ergo
10 haec sunt crimina mea, et nomine erratis, qui jne magiae detulistis ? fecere tamen et alii talia, etsi uos ignoratis : apud Graecos Teius quidam et Lacedaemonius et Cius cum aliis innumeris, etiam mulier Lesbia, lasciue ilia quidem tantaque gratia, ut nobis insolentiam linguae suae dulcedine
15 carminum commendet, apud nos uero Aedituus et Porcius et Catulus, isti quoque cum aliis innumeris. ' at philosophi
14 orationem Sfewech : rationein F(p 15 praelauitur T: prae-
labitur Fcp : praelauetur Stewech : praelauabitur Lat. Latinius 20 hirudines Casaubonus : arundines F(p 21 auibus del. Brantius
22 auis delet H. Mulier : eius L?Z
9. 2 tam <p : erasum est in F, sed suprascnpsit m. al. 5 ueri
similem coni. Kriiger : similem F<p 12 Cius Bosscha : ciuis F(p :
Ceus Colvius : Ceius Helm : Cous Brantius
APVLEI APOLOGIA 9, 10
non fuere.' num igitur etiam Solonem fuisse serium uirum et philosophum negabis, cuius ille lasciuissimus uorsus est, firjpuyv Lfxeipoiv kol yXvKepov (TTOfxaTO's ? et quid tam petulans habent omnes uorsus mei, si cum isto uno contendantur ? 20 ut taceam scripta Diogenis Cynici et Zenonis Stoicae sectae conditoris, id genus plurima. recitem denuo, ut sciant me eorum non pigere : *et Critias mea delicia est et salua, Charine,
pars in amore meo, uita, tibi remanet ; 25
ne metuas; nam me ignis et ignis torreat ut uult,
hasce duas flam mas, dum potiar, patiar. hoc modo sim uobis, unus sibi quisque quod ipse est : hoc mihi uos eritis^ quod duo sunt oculi.' recitem nunc et alios, quos illi quasi intemperantissimos 30 postremum legere: 'florea serta, meum mel, et haec tibi carmina dono. carmina dono tibi, serta tuo genio, carmina, uti, Critia, lux haec optata canatur,
quae bis septeno uere tibi remeat, 35
serta autem, ut laeto tibi tempore tempora uernent,
aetatis florem floribus ut decores. tu mihi des contra pro uerno flore tuum uer,
ut nostra exsuperes munera muneribus ; pro implexis sertis complexum corpore redde, 40
proque rosis oris sauia purpurei. quod si animam inspires donaci, iam carmina nostra
cedent uicta tuo dulciloquo calamo.' Habes crimen meum, Maxime, quasi improbi comissatoris lO
17 uirum V^ : uerumi^^ : uerum {suprascr. i) V^ : seuerum T-. oni, 5 w. I : et seuerum Bosscha 19 juhpcoN eijueipcov kqi TAVKePoy
CTOjLtaTOC F 24 delicia est et v : delitescet F (-tescet in ras.
m. al. ; quid sit erasum, non liquet, nisi forte if dispici potest) : delicie stet <p 38 des Kriiger: da v : das F(p : dans Bywater
42 animam Colvius : animum F(p donaci Haupt : dona et
F<p nam F(p (sed in iam mut. eadem manus in <p)
APVLEI APOLOGIA lo
de sertis et canticis compositum. hie illud etiam reprehendi animaduertisti, quod, cum aliis nominibus pueri uocentur, ego eos Charinum et Critian appellitarim. eadem igitur 5 opera accusent C. Catullum, quod Lesbiam pro Clodia nomi- narit, et Ticidam similiter, quod quae Metella erat Perillam scripserit, et Propertium, qui Cunthiam dicat, Hostiam dissimulet, et Tibullum, quod ei sit Plania in animo, Delia in uorsu. et quidem C Lucilium, quanquam sit iambicus,
10 tamen improbarim, quod Gentium et Macedonem pueros directis nominibus carmine suo prostituerit. quanto mode- stius tandem Mantuanus poeta, qui itidem ut ego puerum amici sui PoUionis bucolico ludicro laudans et abstinens nominum sese quidem Corydonem, puerum uero Alexin
15 uocat. sed Aemilianus, uir ultra Vergilianos opiliones et busequas rusticanus, agrestis quidem semper et barbarus, uerum longe austerior, ut putat, Serranis et Curiis et Fabriciis, negat id genus uorsus Platonico philosopho competere. etiamne, Aemiliane, si Platonis ipsius exemplo doceo factos ?
20 cuius nulla carmina extant nisi amoris elegia ; nam cetera omnia, credo quod tarn lepida non erant, igni deussit. disce igitur uorsus Platonis philosophi in puerum Astera, si tamen tantus natu potes litteras discere :
d(Trr]p irptv fikv cXa/XTres ivi ^cootcrtv Ewos*
25 vvv 8e 6avoiv Xa/xTret? "EcrTrcpos iv <^6iiX€V0i<;.
10. 5 catullum m. rec. in mg. (p: catulum Fc}) 7 propertium (p :
propertiam F cunthiam Fcj) : cynthiam v 9 Lucilium Ltpsius :
Lucullum /"<|) 12 T^nQmra <p : ^nermxn F {litteris redintegratis) 15 VirgilianosF<|), sed cf. Flor. 3 et Apol. 30 tihi F Vergilianos ^/ Vergilium hahet 21 non erant </> et ante corr. F {in ierant ntutauit nt.al.)
deussit F, m. prima in mg. {quid in textu fuerit legi non potest : deussit siiprascripsit nt. al.) : ds sit <p {correxit nt. al. supra et in mg.) 24
a(TTT)p irpiv ix\v ktK. Diog. Laert. iii. 23 : acTHPnPijueNec {supra i vid. fiiissen^) eNizo) | oiciveoL)OCNVNdeeuNCONXaju9eicnepocev | 9BeijueN0ic F'. post hos uersus aa-repas d(ra6pe7s, affrrjp cfids, cWiyevolinT^u | ovpauos, us Tro\\n7s 6/i,ua(nv (Is ae ^SAeVctf addunt edd. uett. : uersionem Latinam habent V^S ; ttide comment.
APVLEI APOLOGIA lo, ii
item eiusdem Platonis in Alexin Phaedrunique pueros con- iuncto carmine :
vvv 6t€ /xrjSkv 'AXe^i? oaov fxovov el(f>' on KaA.09,
ooTrrat koI Travrrj Tracrt Tre/oi^XeTrerai. Ov/XG, ri iJiY)vv€L<i Kvcrlv 6(rT€ov ; elr avf^crei 30
varepov. ov)( ovtcd ^atSpov dTrwXco-a/xej/ ;
ne pluris commemorem, nouissimum uorsum eius de Dione Syracusano si dixero, finem faciam : w e/x6v e/c/xTJi/a? 6vfx6v epwTt Atooj/. Sed sumne ego ineptus, qui haec etiam in iudi- 11 cio ? an uos potius calumniosi, qui etiam haec in accusatione, quasi ullum specimen morum sit uorsibus ludere ? Catullum ita respondentem maliuolis non legistis :
*nam castum esse decet pium poetam 5
ipsum, uersiculos nihil necesse est ' ?
Diuus Adrianus cum Voconi amici sui poetae tumulum uorsibus muneraretur, ita scripsit : ' lasciuus uersu, mente pudicus eras,' quod nunquam ita dixisset, si forent lepidiora carmina argumentum impudicitiae habenda. ipsius etiam 10 diui Adriani multa id genus legere me memini. aude sis, Aemiliane, dicere male id fieri, quod imperator et censor diuus Adrianus fecit et factum memoriae reliquit. ceterum Maximum quicquam putas culpaturum, quod sciat Platonis exemplo a me factum? cuius uorsus quos nunc percensui 15 tanto sanctiores sunt, quanto apertiores, tanto pudicius com-
26 equidem F litteris rediniegratis ; fuit eiusdem alexim F litteris vedintegratis ; fuit alexin : alexim <p 28-31 vvv ot€ kt\ Di'og. Laert. iii. 23 (31) : NyNOTjijeide | NoAeEticocovjuovenoxi ki^AAoc conai | Kan- TOVTHnacinepiB\6TTeTai0yjU€jui | NYeicKyciNOCxeoNenaNiHcei yicepovoj'K | X0yT0(paidP0NOTTCqAeca|ueN F 29 ttSj ns ^iria-rpscpiTai Diog. Laert. ; uersionem Latinam habent V^5 ; ui'de comment. 33 c5 ifibv ktK.
Diog. Laert. iii. 23 : coTejuoNeKM^/Nac | GyjuoNePCoiidiON F ante
hunc uersum addunt edd. uett. KcTcrai S' cvpvx<^PV ^^ Trarp/St rifiios aarois ex Diog. Laert. iii. 23 ; uersionem Latinam. habent V^Z ; uide comment.
II. II aude sis F {in mg. m. al. igitur) <p\ audes igitur L^DV^V^
APVLEI APOLOGIA 11-13
positi, quanto simplicius professi ; namque haec et id genus omnia dissimulare et occultare peccantis^ profiteri et pro- mulgare ludentis est ; quippe natura uox innocentiae, silen-
12 tium maleficio distributa. mitto enim dicere alta ilia et diuina Platonica, rari^simo cuique piorum ignara, ceterum omnibus profanis incognita : geminam esse Venerem deam, proprio quamque amore et diuersis amatoribus poUentis ;
5 earum alteram uulgariam, quae sit percita populari amore, non modo humanis animis, uerum etiam pecuinis et ferinis ad libidinem imperitare ui immodica trucique perculsorum animalium serua corpora complexu uincientem : alteram uero caelitem Venerem, praedita quae sit optimati amore,
10 solis hominibus et eorum paucis curare, nuUis ad turpitu- dinem stimulis uel illecebris sectatores suos percellentem ; quippe amorem eius non amoenum et lasciuum, sed contra incomtum et serium pulchritudine honestatis uirtutes ama- toribus suis conciliare, et si quando decora corpora com-
15 mendet, a contumelia eorum procul absterrere ; neque enim quicquam aliud in corporum forma diligendum quam quod ammoneant diuinos animos eius pulchritudinis, quam prius ueram et sinceram inter deos uidere. quapropter, etsi per- eleganter Afranius hoc scriptum relinquat 'amabit sapiens,
20 cupient ceteri,' tamen si uerum uelis, Aemiliane, uel si haec intellegere unquam potes, non tam amat sapiens quam re-
13 cordatur. da igitur ueniam Platoni philosopho uorsuum eius de amore, ne ego necesse habeam contra sententiam Neoptolemi Enniani pluribusphilosophari ; uel si tu id non
12. 2 platonica M^S : platonice F<|) ignara i^(|) : gnara F^S 5 per ciad {suprascr. percita) F: p — ciol^ {suprascr. ta) d) (percita in ing.) praedita Acidalius 7 ui Rohde : ut F<p 9 praedita T
praeditam F<p : praedictam L^M^ : praedicatam Helm amori
Pricaeus 13 incomtum v : incomitum Fcp 17 ammoneant <^
commoneant F (co litteris redintegratis ; quid fuerit legi non potest) 18 etsi {Jahn) pereleganter Kriiger: et semper eleganter Fcp'. ut semper eleganter V^T 19 relinquat F\ relinquat <|) : reliquit T:
relinquit 5 : relinquatur L^A
APVLEI APOLOGIA 13, 14
facis, ego me facile patiar in huiuscemodi uorsibus culpari cum Platone. tibi autem, Maxime, habeo gratiam pro- 5 pensam, cum has quoque appendices defensionis meae idcirco necessarias, quia accusationi rependuntur, tam at- tente audis. et ideo hoc etiam peto^ quod mihi ante ipsa crimina superest audias, ut adhuc fecisti, libenter et dili- genter. 10
Sequitur enim de speculo longa ilia et censoria oratio, de quo pro rei atrocitate paene diruptus est Pudens clamitans : *habet speculum philosophus, possidet speculum philo- sophus.' ut igitur habere concedam — ne aliquid obiecisse te credas, si negaro — , non tamen ex eo accipi me necesse est 15 exornari quoque ad speculum solere. quid enim? si choragium thymelicum possiderem, num ex eo argumen- tarere etiam uti me consuesse tragoedi syrmate, histrionis crocota, forgia, mimi centunculo? non opinor. nam et contra plurimis rebus possessu careo, usu fruor. quod si 20 neque habere utendi argumentum est neque non utendi non habere et speculi non tam possessio culpatur quam inspectio, illud etiam docear necesse est, quando et quibus praesentibus in speculum inspexerim, quoniam, ut res est, magis piaculum decernis speculum philosopho quam Cereris mundum pro- 25 fano uidere.
Cedo nunc, si et inspexisse me fateor, quod tandem crimen 14 est imaginem suam nosse eamque non uno loco conditam, sed quoquo uelis paruo speculo promptam gestare ? an tu ignoras nihil esse aspectabilius homini nato quam formam suam ? equidem scio et filiorum cariores esse qui similes 5 uidentur et publicitus simulacrum suum cuique, quod uideat,
13. 18 tragidii {in tragedi corr, <p) Fcp : tragici Bywater, qui post his- trionis interpungit 19 orgia F(p locus nondiim sanatus : ad trieterica orgia V^ : orchestae serica Helm : archimimi Haupt : orgiastae Bywater centulo F<p {sedcorr. m. prim, in utroque ncu {ex ngu (f>)
suprascripto) 23 docear Ftp (r in s rnut. al. m. in F) : doceas
L^V^V^ 24 mains V^
APVLEI APOLOGIA 14, 15
pro mentis praemio tribui. aut quid sibi statuaeet imagines uariis artibus effigiatae uolunt? nisi forte quod artificio elaboratum laudabile habetur, hoc natura oblatum culpabile
10 iudicandum est, cum sit in ea uel magis miranda et facilitas et similitudo. quippe in omnibus manu faciundis imagini- bus opera diutino sumitur, neque tamen similitudo aeque ut in speculis comparet ; deest enim et luto uigor et saxo color et picturae rigor et motus omnibus, qui praecipua fide
15 similitudinem repraesentat, cum in eo uisitur imago mire relata, ut similis, ita mobilis et ad omnem nutum hominis sui morigera ; eadem semper contemplantibus aequaeua est ab ineunte pueritia ad obeuntem senectam, tot aetatis uices induit, tam uarias habitudines corporis participat, tot uultus
20 eiusdem laetantis uel dolentis imitatur. enimuero quod luto fictum uel aere infusum uel lapide incusum uel cera inustum uel pigmento illitum uel alio quopiam humano artificio adsimulatum est^ non multa intercapedine temporis dissimile redditur et ritu cadaueris unum uultum et im-
25 mobilem possidet. tantum praestat artibus ad imaginis simi- litudinem referundam leuitas ilia speculi fabra et splendor opifex.
15 Aut igitur unius Hagesilai Lacedaemonii sententia nobis sequenda est, qui se neque pingi neque fingi unquam dif- fidens formae suae passus est, aut si mos omnium cetero- rum hominum retinendus uidetur in statuis et imaginibus 5 non repudiandis, cur existimes imaginem suam cuique uisendam potius in lapide quam in argento, magis in tabula quam in speculo? an turpe arbitraris formam suam spe-
14. 7 praemio cp : praemia i^i^a in ras.) 12 diutino F (ino refinxit al. m.) : diutino <p (in. al. o in a inut.')'. diutina V^V^L^ : diutine Helm 15 uisitur F^ ; uisitetur //^/m 17 equev a. F in mg.
m. al. : equa F (Jiii. redint.) : equa <p 21 incusum ed. Junt. 1512 :
incussum F(\> 25 artibus ad imaginis similitudinem Pricaeus :
imaginis artibus ad similitudinem F<p : artibus imaginis ad similitu- dinem Meursius 26 referundam Pricaeus : referundum F(p
APVLEI APOLOGIA 15
ctaculo assiduo explorare ? an non Socrates philosophus ultro etiam suasisse fertur discipulis suis, crebro ut, semet in speculo contemplarentur, ut, qui eorum foret pulchritudine 10 sibi complacitus, impendio procuraret, ne dignitatem corporis malis moribus dedecoraret, qui uero minus se commenda- bilem forma putaret, sedulo operam daret, ut uirtutis laude turpitudinem tegeret ? adeo uir omnium sapientissimus speculo etiam ad disciplinam morum utebatur. Demos- 15 thenen uero, primarium dicendi artificem, quis est qui non sciat semper ante speculum quasi ante magistrum causas meditatum ? ita ille summus orator cum a Platone philo- sopho facundiam hausisset, ab Eubulide dialectico argumen- tationes edidicisset, nouissimam pronuntiandi congruentiam 20 ab speculo petiuit. utrum igitur putas maiorem curam decoris in adseueranda oratione suscipiendam rhetori iur- ganti an philosopho obiurganti, apud iudices sorte ductos paulisper disceptanti an apud omnis homines semper dis- serenti, de finibus agrorum litiganti an de finibus bonorum 25 et malorum docenti ? quid, quod nee ob haec debet tantum- modo philosophus speculum inuisere ? nam saepe oportet non modo similitudinem suam, uerum etiam ipsius similitu- dinis rationem considerare : num, ut ait Epicurus^ profectae a nobis imagines uelut quaedam exuuiae iugi fluore a cor- 30 poribus manantes, cum leue aliquid et solidum offenderunt, illisae refiectantur et retro expressae contrauersim respon- deant an, ut alii philosophi disputant, radii nostri seu mediis oculis proliquati et lumini extrario mixti atque ita uniti, ut Plato arbitratur, seu tantum oculis profecti sine ullo foris 35 amminiculo, ut Archytas putat, seu intentu aeris coacti, ut Stoici rentur, cum alicui corpori inciderunt spisso et splen-
15. 32 contra uersis (}> : contrauersum F^ 36 aeris Pithoeus
Colvius : ueris F<p coacti Purser', facti Fcp : fracti Pithoeus : farti
Schoene : acti Helm
APVLEI APOLOGIA 15, 16
dido et leui, paribus angulis quibus inciderant resultent ad faciem suam reduces atque ita, quod extra tangant ac uisant,
16 id intra speculum imaginentur. uideturne uobis debere philosophia haec omnia uestigare et inquirere et cuncta specula uel uda uel suda soli uidere? quibus praeter ista quae dixi etiam ilia ratiocinatio necessaria est, cur in planis 5 quidem speculis ferme pares obtutus et imagines uideantur, (in) tumidis uero et globosis omnia defectiora, at contra in cauis auctiora; ubi et cur laeua cum dexteris permutentur; quando se imago eodem speculo tum recondat penitus, tum foras exserat; cur caua specula, si exaduersum soli retineantur,
10 appositum fomitem accendant ; qui fiat ut arcus in nubibus uarie, duo soles aemula similitudine uisantur, alia praeterea eiusdem modi plurima, quae tractat uolumine ingenti Archi- medes Syracusanus, uir in omni quidem geometria multum ante alios admirabilis subtilitate, sed baud sciam an propter
15 hoc uel maxime memorandus, quod inspexerat speculum saepe ac diligenter. quern tu librum, Aemiliane, si nosses ac non modo campo et glebis, uerum etiam abaco et pului- sculo te dedisses, mihi istud crede, quanquam teterrimum
05 tuum minimum a Thyesta tragico demutet, tamen pro- 20 fecto discendi cupidine speculum inuiseres et aliquando
relicto aratro mirarere tot in facie tua sulcos rugarum.
At ego non mirer, si boni consulis me de isto distortissimo uultu tuo dicere, de moribus tuis multo truculentioribus reticere. ea res est : praeter quod non sum iurgiosus, 25 etiam libenter te nuper usque albus an ater esses ignoraui et adhuc hercle non satis noui. id adeo factum, quod et tu rusticando obscurus es et ego discendo occupatus. ita et tibi umbra ignobilitatis a probatore obstitit, et ego numquam
16. 1-2 uidenturne . . . philosophi v 3 uelut uda com. Helm :
(ac) uel uda Diels soli F<p : soli non Van der Vliet : solis coniectt Butler : sollicite Bywater praeter ista V^M'^ : praeteris tu F<p
6 in add. V^ 10 oppositum Casaubonus accendant Bosscha : accendunt F<p 11 duo il/^5 : duos F(p
APVLEI APOLOGIA i6, 17
studui male facta cuiusquam cognoscere^ sed semper potius duxi mea peccata tegere quam aliena indagare. igitur hoc 30 mihi aduersum te usu uenit, quod qui forte constitit in loco lumine collustrato atque eum alter e tenebris prospectat. nam ad eundem modum tu quidem, quid ego in propatulo et celebri agam, facile e tenebris tuis arbitraris, cum ipse humilitate abdita et lucifuga non sis mihi mutuo con- 35 spicuus.
Ego adeo seruosne tu habeas ad agrum colendum an ipse 17 mutuarias operas cum uicinis tuis cambies, neque scio neque laboro. at tu me scis eadem die tris Oeae manu misisse, idque mihi patronus tuus inter cetera a te sibi edita obiecit, quanquam modico prius dixerat me uno seruo comite Oeam 5 uenisse. quod quidem uelim mihi respondeas, qui potuerim ex uno tris manu mittere, nisi si et hoc magicum est. tan- tamne esse mentiendi caecitatem dicam an consuetudinem ? ' uenit Apuleius Oeam cum uno seruo ' ; dein pauculis uerbis intergarritis : ' Apuleius Oeae una die tris manu misit.' ne 10 illud quidem credibile fuisset, cum tribus uenisse, omnes liberasse ; quod tamen si ita fecissem, cur potius tris seruos inopiae signum putares quam tris libertos opulentiae? nescis profecto, nescis, Aemiliane, philosophum accusare, qui famulitii paucitatem opprobraris, quam ego gloriae causa 15 ementiridebuissem,quippe qui scirem non modo philosophos, quorum me sectatorem fero, uerum etiam imperatores populi Romani paucitate seruorum gloriatos. itane tandem ne haec quidem legere patroni tui : M. Antonium consularem solos octo seruos domi habuisse, Carbonem uero ilium, qui rebus 20 potitus est, uno minus, at enim Manio Curio tot adoreis longe incluto, quippe qui ter triumphum una porta egerit,
31 quod Fip : quod ei Novak
17. I seruosne (p (s ultim. in ras.) : seruorne F {lit/, redintegrauit et in seriorne mutauit m. al.) 4 obiecit ^ : abiecit F {sed ab littens
redintegratis scripsit m. al.) 9 uenit 0 : dicit F {litteris redintegratis ; quid olim ftterit legi non potest) 21 Marco ^
2
APVLEI APOLOGIA 17, 18
ei igitur Manio Curio duos solos in castris calones fuisse ? ita ille uir de Sabinis deque Samnitibus deque Pyrro
25 triumphator paucioris seruos habuit quam triumphos. M. autem Cato nihil oppertus, ut alii de se praedicarent, ipse in oratione sua scriptum reliquit, cum in Hispaniam consul proficisceretur, tris seruos solos ex urbe duxisse ; quoniam ad uillam publicam uenerat, parum uisum qui
30 uteretur, iussisse duos pueros in foro de mensa emi, eos quinque in Hispaniam duxisse. haec Pudens si legisset, ut mea opinio est, aut omnino huic maledicto supersedisset aut in tribus seruis multitudinem comitum philosophi quam paucitatem reprehendere maluisset.
18 Idem mihi etiam paupertatem opprobrauit, acceptum philosopho crimen et ultro profitendum. enim paupertas olim philosophiae uernacula est, frugi, sobria, paruo potens, aemula laudis, aduersum diuitias possessa, habitu secura, cultu sim- 5 plex, consilio benesuada, neminem umquam superbia inflauit, neminem impotentia deprauauit, neminem tyrannide efferauit, delicias uentris et inguinum neque uult ullas neque potest, quippe haec et alia flagitia diuitiarum alumni solent ; maxima quaeque scelera si ex omni memoria hominum percenseas,
10 nullum in illis pauperem reperies, ut contra haut temere inter illustris uiros diuites comparent, sed quemcunque in aliqua laude miramur, eum paupertas ab incunabulis nutricata est. paupertas, inquam, prisca aput saecula omnium ciuitatium conditrix, omnium artium repertrix, omnium peccatorum
15 inops, omnis gloriae munifica, cunctis laudibus apud omnis nationes perfuncta. eadem est enim paupertas apud Graecos in Aristide iusta, in Phocione benigna, in Epaminonda strenua, in Socrate sapiens, in Homero diserta. eadem
23 calones </> : colonos F [Jitteris redinte gratis ; fuit calonos) 27 oratione V^ et in. rec. in mg, <p : operatione F(p hispaniam (p :
hispania F
18. 4 diuitiis professa Casaubonus 10 haut Casaubonus : hanc
F(p
APVLEI APOLOGIA i8, 19
paupertas etiam popuJo Romano imperium a primordio fundauit, proque eo in hodiernum diis immortalibus simpulo 20 et catino fictili sacrificat. quod si modo iudices de causa ista sederent C. Fabricius, Gn. Scipio, Manius Curius, quorum filiae ob paupertatem de publico dotibus donatae ad maritos ierunt portantes gloriam domesticam, pecuniam publicam, si Publicola regum exactor et Agrippa populi reconciliator, 25 quorum funus ob tenuis opes a populo Romano collatis sextantibus adornatum est, si Atilius Regulus, cuius agellus ob similem penuriam publica pecunia cultus est, si denique omnes illae ueteres prosapiae consulares et censoriae et triumphales breui usura lucis ad iudicium istud remissae 30 audirent, auderesne paupertatem philosopho exprobrare apud tot consules pauperes ? an tibi Claudius Maximus idoneus ig auditor uidetur ad irridendam paupertatem, quod ipse uberem et prolixam rem familiarem sortitus est ? erras, Aemiliane, et longe huius animi frustra es, si eum ex fortunae indulgentia, non ex philosophiae censura metiris, si uirum tarn austerae 5 sectae tamque diutinae militiae non putas amiciorem esse cohercitae mediocritati quam delicatae opulentiae, fortunam uelut tunicam magis concinnam quam longam probare ; quippe etiam ea etsi non gestetur et trahatur, nihil minus quam lacinia praependens impedit et praecipitat. etenim in 10 omnibus ad uitae munia utendis quicquid aptam modera- tionem supergreditur, oneri potius quam usui exuberat. igitur et immodicae diuitiae uelut ingentia et enormia gubernacula facilius mergunt quam regunt, quod habent irritam copiam, noxiam nimietatemi. quin ex ipsis opulentioribus eos potissi- 15 mum uideo laudari, qui nuUo strepitu, modico cultu, dissi- mulatis facultatibus agunt et diuitias magnas administrant
20 sinpulo F (in mg. ni al. simpuuio) : simpuuio <^ iex) simpulo mutaUim ; in mg. ni. al. sympulo) 22 Marcus 0 27 sextantibus nt. al. in (p : extantibus Ftp
19. 4 longe huius animi longe es frustra </> 9 ea etsi Van der
Vliet \ etsi ea Salmasius: ea si F<p nihilo L^V^
2*
APVLEI APOLOGIA 19, 20
sine ostentatione, sine superbia, specie mediocritatispauperum similes, quod si etiam ditibus ad argumentum modestiae
20 quaeritur imago quaepiam et color paupertatis, cur eius pudeat tenuioris, qui eam non simulatam, sed uere fungi- mur? 20 Possum equidem tibi et ipsius nominis controuersiam facere, neminem nostrum pauperem esse qui superuacanea nolit, possit necessaria, quae natura oppido pauca sunt, namque is plurimum habebit, qui minimum desiderabit ; 5 habebit enim quantum uolet qui uolet minimum, et idcirco diuitiae non melius in fundis et in fenore quam in ipso hominis animo aestimantur, qui si est auaritia egenus et ad omne lucrum inexplebilis, nee montibus auri satiabitur, sed semper aliquid, ante parta ut augeat, mendicabit. quae qui-
10 dem uera confessio est paupertatis ; omnis enim cupido ac- quirendi ex opinione inopiae iienit, nee refert, quam magnum sit quod tibi minus est. non habuit tantam rem familiarem Philus quantam Laelius, nee Laelius quantam Scipio, nee Scipio quantam Crassus Diues, at enim nee Crassus Diues
15 quantam uolebat ; ita cum omnis superaret, a suamet auaritia superatus est omnibusque potius diues uisus est quam sibi. at contra hi philosophi quos commemoraui non ultra uolentes quam poterant, sed congruentibus desideriis et facultatibus iure meritoque dites et beati fuerunt. pauper enim sis appe-
20 tendi egestate, diues non egendi satietate, quippe qui inopia desiderio, opulentia fastidio cernuntur. igitur, Aemiliane, si pauperem me haberi uis, prius auarum esse doceas necesse est. quod si nihil in animo deest, de rebus extrariis quantum desit non laboro, quarum neque laus in copia neque culpa in
21 simulatam L^AT: simulata F(p : simulate M^5 : simulate Acidalius
20. 3 possit A {m^ in ntg.^ V^ : poscit (cit redintegratis lUteris F) F(p 14 Diues {bis) Van der Vltet: diues (bis) F<p 19 sis
AV^V^h: scis F: scis (p: fis V^M^: eris Rohde : sies Hildebrand (si es F2)
APVLEI APOLOGIA 20-22
penuria consistit. sed finge haec aliter esse ac me ideo 21 pauperem, quia mihi fortuna diuitias inuidit easque, ut ferme euenit, aut tutor imminuit aut inimicus eripuit aut pater non reliquit : hocine homini opprobrari, pauperiem, quod nulli ex animalibus uitio datur, non aquilae, non tauro, non leoni ? 5 equus si uirtutibus suis polleat, ut sit aequabilis uector et cursor pernix, nemo ei penuriam pabuli exprobrat : tu mihi uitio dabis non facti uel dicti alicuius prauitatem, sed quod uiuo gracili lare, quod paucioris habeo, parcius pasco, leuius uestio, minus obsono ? atqui ego contra, quantulacumque tibi 10 haec uidentur, multa etiam et nimia arbitror et cupio ad pauciora me coercere, tanto beatior futurus quanto collection namque animi ita ut corporis sanitas expedita, imbecillitas laciniosa est, certumque signum est infirmitatis pluribus in- digere. prorsus ad uiuendum uelut ad natandum is melior, 15 qui onere liberior ; sunt enim similiter etiam in ista uitae humanae tempestate leuia sustentui, grauia demersui. equi- dem didici ea re praecedere maxime deos hominibus, quod nulla re ad usum sui indigeant, igitur ex nobis cui quam minimis opus sit, eum esse deo similiorem. 20
Proinde gratum habitum (obiecistis, cum) ad contumeliam 22 diceretis rem familiarem mihi peram et baculum fuisse. quod utinam tantus animi forem, ut praeter eam supellectilem nihil quicquam requirerem, sed eundem ornatum digne gestarem, quem Crates ultro diuitiis abiectis appetiuit. Crates, 5 inquam, si quid credis, Aemiliane, uir domi inter Thebanos proceres diues et nobilis amore huius habitus, quem mihi obiectas, rem familiarem largam et uberem populo donauit, multis seruis a sese remotis solitatem delegit, arbores plurimas et frugiferas prae uno baculo spreuit, uillas ornatissimas una 10
21. 16-17 uitae . . . tempestate m. al. in M^ Colvius : uita . . . tem- pestates F^ 17 sustentatui V^8
22. I habitum Fcp : habui Casaubonus obiecistis cum add. Beyte 2 diceretis] obieceris {suprascr. cisti) M^ 5 Crates {bis) V^T: Socrates (Jbis) F<p 10 prae F: pro (j)
APVLEI APOLOGIA 22, 23
perula mutauit, quam postea comperta utilitate etiam carmine laudauit flexis ad hoc Homericis uorsibus, quibus ille Cretam insulam nobilitat. principium dicam, ne me haec ad de- fensionera putes confinxisse :
15 Trrjprj tis ttoAis ecrrt fxkcrio Ivi olvottl rvcfuo.
iam cetera tarn mirifica, quae si tu legisses, magis mihi peram quam nuptias Pudentillae inuidisses. peram et baculum tu philosophis, exprobrares igitur et equitibus phaleras et pediti- bus clipeos et signiferis uexilla ac denique triumphantibus
20 quadrigas albas et togam palmatam ? non sunt quidem ista Platonicae sectae gestamina, sed Cynicae familiae insignia, uerum tamen hoc Diogeni et Antistheni pera et baculum, quod regibus diadema, quod imperatoribus paludamentum, quod pontificibus galerum, quod lituus auguribus. Diogenes
25 quidem Cynicus cum Alexandre magno de ueritate regni certabundus baculo uice sceptri gloriabatur. ipse denique Hercules inuictus — quoniam haec tibi ut quaedam mendi- cabula nimis sordent — , ipse inquam Hercules lustrator orbis, purgator ferarum, gentium domitor, is tamen deus, cum
30 terras peragraret, paulo prius quam in caelum ob uirtutes ascitus est, neque una pelli uestitior fuit neque uno baculo comitatior. 23 Quod si haec exempla nihili putas ac me non ad causam agundam, uerum ad censum disserundum uocasti, ne quid tu rerum mearum nescias, si tamen nescis, profiteor mihi ac fratri meo relictum a patre hs xx paulo secus, idque a me longa
5 peregrinatione et diutinis studiis et crebris liberalitatibus mo-
15 Trrjpr] kt\. Diog. Laert. (6. 5. 2) : KphrhTicnoAic • er njueAoo | eNioiNontxy qcotcontco F (Kphxh ^/tcontco (ttoj/to;) ex Od. xix. 172) : caeruleo in medio quaedam urbs est insula ponto | pulcra et opima V^ 16 iam] etiam Diels : mittam add. Wachsmuth tam delet Diels
18 exprobrares F(p : exprobras U'DT: exprobraris M^ : exprobrare V : (exprobras), exprobrares Kriiger 19 ac Helm : te F-p : et v
28 nimis Colvius: animfs /^/> : animi V^M^T
23. 2 sensum F<p {sed in </> c suprascr. m. al.) 4 hs] f{ F: C[ (p
5 (baud) modice Vulcanius : (non) modice Casaubonus
APVLEI APOLOGIA 23, 24
dice imminutum. nam et amicorum plerisque opem tuli et magistris plurimis gratiam retuli, quorundam etiam filias dote auxi ; neque enim dubitassem equidem uel uniuersum patri- moniuni impendere, ut acquirerem mihi quod maius est con- temptu patrimonii, tu uero, Aemiliane, et id genus homines 10 uti tu es inculti et agrestes, tanti re uera estis quantum habetis, ut arbor infecunda et infelix, quae nullum fructum ex sese gignit, tanti est in pretio, quanti lignum eius in trunco. at tamen parce postea, Aemiliane, paupertatem cuipiam obiectare, qui nuper usque agellum Zarathensem, quern tibi 15 unicum pater tuus reliquerat, solus uno asello ad tempestiuum imbrem triduo exarabas. neque enim diu est, cum te cre- brae mortes propinquorum immeritis hereditatibus fulserunt, unde tibi potius quam ob istam teterrimam faciem Charon nomen est. 20
De patria mea uero, quod eam sitam Numidiae et Gaetuliae 24 in ipso confinio meis scriptis ostendistis, quibus memet pro- fessus sum, cum Lolliano Auito c. u. praesente publice dis- sererem, Seminumidam et Semigaetulum, non uideo quid mihi sit in ea re pudendum, baud magis quam Cyro maiori, 5 quod genere mixto fuit Semimedus ac Semipersa. non enim ubi prognatus, sed ut moratus quisque sit spectandum, nee qua regione, sed qua ratione uitam uiuere inierit, consideran- dum est. holitori et cauponi merito est concessum holus et uinum ex nobilitate soli commendare, uinum Thasium, 10 holus Phliasium ; quippe ilia terrae alumna multum ad melio- rem saporem iuuerit et regio fecunda et caelum pluuium et uentus Clemens et sol apricus et solum sucidum. enimuero animo hominis extrinsecus in hospitium corporis immigrant!
9 contemptutn V^ et in. rec. V^ 13 quantum Kronenberg
20 nomen M^V^ : numen Fc(>
24, 2 meis L^AP^ : mei K[) ostendistis Rohde : ostendi scis Fcf) :
ostendisti Casaubonus 3 c.Vi v: en Fcp 4 semigetulum (/)■:
semigetulam F 5 magis Van der Vliet: minus F^ quam delet
Sauppe : inquam H. Miiller 7 spectandum est (p
APVLEI APOLOGIA 24, 25
15 quid ex istis addi uel minui ad uirtutem uel malitiam potest? quando non in omnibus gentibus uaria ingenia prouenere, quanquam uideantur quaedam stultitia uel sollertia in- signiores? apud socordissimos Scythas Anacharsis sapiens natus est, apud Athenienses catos Meletides fatuus. nee hoc
20 eo dixi, quo me patriae meae paeniteret, etsi adhuc Syfacis oppidum essemus. quo tamen uicto ad Masinissam regem munere populi Romani concessimus ac deinceps uetera- norum militum nouo conditu splendidissima colonia sumus, in qua colonia patrem habui loco principis 11 uiralem cunctis
25 honoribus perfunctum ; cuius ego locum in ilia re publica, exinde ut participare curiam coepi, nequaquam degener pari, spero, honore et existimatione tueor. cur ergo ilia protuli ? ut mihi tu, Aemiliane, minus posthac suscenseas, potiusque ut ueniam impertias, si per neglegentiam forte non elegi illud
30 tuum Atticum Zarath, ut in eo nascerer.
25 Nonne uos puditum est haec crimina tali uiro audiente tam adseuerate obiectare, friuola et inter se repugnantia simul promere et utraque tamen reprehendere ? at non contraria accusastis? peram et baculum ob austeritatem, carmina et 5 speculum ob hilaritatem, unum seruum ut parci, tris libertos ut profusi, praeterea eloquentiamGraecam,patriam barbaram? quin igitur tandem expergiscimini ac uos cogitatis apud Claudium Maximum dicere, apud uirum seuerum et totius prouinciae negotiis occupatum? quin, inquam, nana haec
10 conuicia aufertis ? quin ostenditis quod insimulauistis, scelera immania et inconcessa maleficia et artis nefandas ? cur uestra oratio rebus flaccet, strepitu uiget ?
Aggredior enim iam ad ipsum crimen magiae, quod ingenti
tumultu ad inuidiam mei accensum frustrata expectatione 1 1
22 P. R. 0: poptis F 23 conditu ed. Veti. : conditus /\/)
26 pari] patri. </> 30 Zarat Fcp, sed confer Zarathensem c. 23. 15
eo (p : ea. F
25. 4 austeritatem Fulvius Ursmus x auctoritatem F(p 11 immania M^T et marg. m. rec. <p : immunia Fcp
APVLEI APOLOGIA 25, 26
omnium per nescio quas anilis fabulas defraglauit. ecquan- 15 done uidisti, Maxime, flammam stipula exortam claro crepitu, largo fulgore, cito incremento, sed enim materia leui, caduco incendio, nullis reliquiis ? em tibi ilia accusatio iurgiis inita, uerbis aucta, argumentis defecta, nullis post sententiam tuam reliquiis calumniae permansura. quae quidem omnis Aemi- 20 liano fuit in isto uno destinata, me magum esse, et ideo mihi libet quaerere ab eruditissimis eius aduocatis, quid sit magus.
Nam si, quod ego apud plurimos lego, Persarum lingua magus est qui nostra sacerdos, quod tandem est crimen, 25 sacerdotem esse et rite nosse atque scire atque callere leges caerimoniarum, fas sacrorum, ius religionum? si quidem magia id est quod Plato interpretatur, cum commemorat, quibusnam disciplinis puerum regno adolescentem Persae imbuant — uerba ipsa diuini uiri memini, quae tu mecum, Maxime, re- 30 cognosce : 8is eTrra Se yevofxevov irojv rbv TratSa TrapaXafxjSavov- OLV ov<s iK€LVOL /3a(n\€L0V^ TratSayojyovs 6vofxdt,ovcnv' ctcriv 8k i^€iX€y jxevoL Ucpa-iov ot apLdTOi 8o^aj/TCS Iv rjXtKia reVrapc?, o T€ cro^cDTaros kol 6 StKaioTaro? kol 6 crtocfipovicrTaTos kol 6 av- SpaoTaTos. wv 6 fi€V /xayciW T€ SlSolo-kcl ttjv Ttoipoaa-rpov tov 35 Qpojxa^ov' ccTTi 8c TOVTO OcCjv OepaTreta' ScSdcrKei Se kol to. Paa-iXiKd. auditisne magian, qui eam temere accusatis, 26 artem esse dis immortalibus acceptam, colendi eos ac uene- randi pergnaram, piam scilicet et diuini scientem, iam inde
15 deflagrauit^ ecquandone 0 : etquandone jp 24 egocodd. dett. et m. al. in <p : ago Ftp 25 tandem v : tamen F(p 26 nosse (f> :
nosce /^(c lineis deleuit, s suprascrips. nt. al. ) : noscere L^ 3 1-37 ^^^^ kma 5« kt\. Plat. Alcib. i. 121 e : dicentia de re nomenon & antonit^ data I AuMBaNoyciNoy eKeiNOi 3aciAe|ioyc naidajafouc ovojua^oycnc iNeiciN | deeEeiAefjueNoi [supra paenult. e scnphtm estK) Tepcaujuvoi aPiCTOido | SavrecevK AiKiaxe napecoTeco9one ] (supra ult. 0 scriptum est co) toc Kai odiKaiOTaTOc kqi occoca9pOL) | vicxaTOC kqi 0 avdpioraTOC ynojiiev jua]feicov je didcxcKei ihv ^ooiPoacTPoyTO | Y<JL)PO)ua^yecn — dejoi- Toeecov9epania didacKei de Kai xa BoiAiku F y^vonkvosv codd. Clark, et Marc. : yevofxevov Buttmann
26. I magian scripsimus : magiam Fcp {cp. c. 31. 5)
APVLEI APOLOGIA 26, 27
a Zoroastre et Oromaze auctoribus suis nobilem, caelitum 5 antistitam, quippe qui inter prima regalia docetur nee ulli temere inter Persas concessum est magum esse, baud magis quam regnare. idem Plato in alia sermocinatione de Zalmoxi quodam Thraci generis, sed eiusdem artis uirp ita scriptum reliquit : ras 8e CTrwSas eTvai rovs Xoyovs tov^ KaXov<;. quod
10 si ita est, cur mihi nosse non liceat uel Zalmoxi bona uerba uel Zoroastri sacerdotia? sin uero more uulgari eum isti proprie magum existimant, qui communione loquendi cum deis immortalibus ad omnia quae uelit incredibili quadam ui cantaminum poUeat, oppido miror, cur accusare non timuerint
15 quem posse tantum fatentur. neque enim tam occulta et diuina potentia caueri potest itidem ut cetera, sicarium qui in iudicium uocat, comitatus uenit ; qui uenenarium accusat, scrupulosius cibatur ; qui furem arguit, sua custodit. enim- uero qui magum qualem isti dicunt in discrimen capitis
20 deducit, quibus comitibus, quibus scrupulis, quibus custodi- bus perniciem caecam et ineuitabilem prohibeat? nullis scilicet ; et ideo id genus crimen non est eius accusare, qui 27 credit, uerum haec ferme communi quodam errore imperi- torum philosophis obiectantur, ut partim eorum qui corporum causas meras et simplicis rimantur irreligiosos putent eoque aiant deos abnuere^ ut Anaxagoram et Leucippum et Demo- . critum et Epicurum ceterosque rerum naturae patronos, par- tim autem, qui prouidentiam mundi curiosius uestigant et impensius deos celebrant, eos uero uulgo magos nominent, quasi facere etiam sciant quae sciant fieri, ut olim fuere Epimenides et Orpheus et Pythagoras et Ostanes, ac dein
10 similiter suspectataEmpedoclicatharmoe,Socrati daemonion, Platonis to dyaOov. gratulor igitur mihi, cum et ego tot ac tantis uiris adnumeror.
4 oromazo v g rd? 5e /ct\. Plat. Charmid. 157 a tqc dee nodac eiNynoicXofoyc Toyc kqAoic 13 incredibili Casaubonus: incredi-
bilia F(f)
27. 2 eos in mg. <p m. at.
APVLEl APOLOGIA 27, 28
Ceterum ea quae ab illis ad ostendendum crimen obiecta sunt uana et inepta simpliciter uereor, ne ideo tantum crimina putes, quod obiecta sunt, 'cur' inquit 'piscium quaedam 15 genera quaesisti?' quasi id cognitionis gratia philosopho facere non liceat, quod luxurioso gulae causa liceret. ' cur mulier libera tibi nupsit post annos xiii uiduitatis?' quasi non magis mirandum sit quod tot annis non nupserit. ' cur prius, quam tibi nuberet, scripsit nescio quid in epistula quod 20 sibi uidebatur ? ' quasi quisquam debeat causas alienae sententiae reddere. ^ at enim maior natu non est iuuenem aspernata.' igitur hoc ipsum argumentum est nihil opus magia fuisse, ut nubere uellet mulier uiro, uidua caelibi, maior iuniori. - iam et ilia similia : ' habet quiddam Apuleius 25 domi quod sancte colit ' : quasi non id potius crimen sit, quod colas non habere. *cecidit praesente Apuleio puer.' quid enim, si iuuenis, quid, si etiam senex adsistente me corruisset uel morbo corporis impeditus uel lubrico soli prolapsus? hiscine argumentis magian probatis, casu 30 pueruli et matrimonio mulieris et obsonio piscium ?
Possem equidem bono periculo uel his dictis contentus 28 perorare : quoniam mihi pro accusationis longitudine largiter aquae superest, cedo, si uidetur, singula consideremus. atque ego omnia obiecta, seu uera seu falsa sunt, non negabo, sed perinde atque si facta sint fatebor^ ut omnis ista multitudo^ 5 quae plurima undique ad audiendum conuenit, aperte intelle- gat nihil in philosophos non modo uere dici, sed ne falso quidem posse confingi, quod non ex innocentiae fiducia, quamuis liceat negare, tamen potius habeant defendere. primum igitur argumenta eorum conuincam ac refutabo nihil 10 ca ad magian pertinere ; dein etsi maxime magus forem,
14 et om. M^ inepte Bywater (qui simplicia tiietur) simpliciter Hebn Diels '. simplicia /"</) : (et) simplicia ^' : {^.c) s'lm^pWciSL Hildebrand : (et) similia Sctoppitts : simplicia del, Novak uereor F(p : oro Dtels ; (baud) uereor ya/;« 31 pueruli Salmasius : puerili /"(^
28. 2 quoniam tamen V^ 3 aqu^ (i suprascr. m. al.) F: atque (p
APVLEI APOLOGIA 28, 29
tamen ostendam neque causam ullam neque occasionem fuisse, ut me in aliquo maleficio experirentur. ibi etiam de falsa inuidia deque epistulis mulieris perperam lectis et ne-
isquius interpretatis deque matrimonio meo ac Pudentillae disputabo, idque a me susceptum officii gratia quam lucri causa docebo. quod quidem matrimonium nostrum Aemi- liano huic immane quanto angori quantaeque diuidiae fuit ; inde omnis huiusce accusationis obeundae ira et rabies et
20 denique insania exorta est. quae si omnia palam et dilucide ostendero, tunc denique te, Claudi Maxime, et omnis qui ad- sunt contestabor puerum ilium Sicinium Pudentem priuignum meum, cuius obtentu et uoluntate a patruo eius accusor, nuperrime curae meae ereptum, postquam frater eius Pontia-
25 nus et natu maior et moribus melior diem suum obiit, atque ita in me ac matrem suam nefarie efferatum, non mea culpa, desertis liberalibus studiis ac repudiata omni disciplina, scelestis accusationis huius rudimentis patruo Aemiliano potius quam fratri Pontiano similem futurum. 29 Nunc, ut institui, proficiscar ad omnia Aemiliani huiusce deliramenta orsus ab eo, quod ad suspicionem magiae quasi ualidissimum in principio dici animaduertisti, nonnulla me piscium genera per quosdam piscatores pretio quaesisse. 5 utrum igitur horum ad suspectandam magian ualet ? quodne piscatores mihi piscem quaesierunt ? scilicet ergo phrygioni- bus aut fabris negotium istud dandum fuisse atque ita opera cuiusque artis permutanda, si uellem calumniis uestris uitare, ut faber mihi piscem euerreret, ut piscator mutuo lignum
10 dedolaret. an ex eo intellexistis maleficio quaeri pisciculos, quod pretio quaerebantur ? credo, si conuiuio uellem, gratis quaesissem. quin igitur etiam ex aliis plerisque me arguitis ? nam saepe numero et uinum et holus et pomum et panem pretio mutaui. eo pacto cuppedinariis omnibus famem
14 falsa M^(p : falso Fet ex corr. (p 16 (potius) quam ed. Aid.
24 ereptum codd. dett. m. al. in mg. (p : eruptum F(p fortasse rede
APVLEI APOLOGIA 29, 30
decernis ; quis enim ab illls obsonare audebit, si quidem 15 statuitur omnia edulia quae depenso parantur non cenae, sed magiae desiderari ? quod si nihil remanet suspicionis, neque in piscatoribus mercede inuitatis ad quod solent, ad piscem capiundum, (quos tamen nuUos ad testimonium produxere, quippe qui nulli fuerunt), neque in ipso pretio rei uenalis 20 (cuius tamen quantitatem nullam taxauere, ne, si mediocre pretium dixissent, contemneretur, si plurimum, non credere- tur) — si in his, ut dico, nulla suspicio est, respondeat mihi Aemilianus, quo proximo signo ad accusationem magiae sit inductus. 25
' Pisces ' inquit * quaeris.' nolo negare. sed, oro te, qui 30 pisces quaerit, magus est ? equidem non magis arbitror quam si lepores quaererem uel apros uel altilia. an soli pisces habent aliquid occultum aliis, sed magis cognitum ? hoc si scis quid sit, magus es profecto; sin nescis, confitearis necesse 5 est id te accusare quod nescis. tam rudis uos esse omnium litterarum, omnium denique uulgi fabularum, ut ne fingere quidem possitis ista ueri similiter? quid enim competit ad amoris ardorem accendendum piscis brutus et frigidus aut omnino res pelago quaesita? nisi forte hoc uos ad menda- 10 cium induxit, quod Venus dicitur pelago exorta. audi sis, Tannoni Pudens, quam multa nescieris, qui de piscibus argumentum magiae recepisti. at si Vergilium legisses, pro- fecto scisses alia quaeri ad banc rem solere ; ille enim quan- tum scio enumerat uittas mollis et uerbenas pinguis et tura 15 mascula et licia discolora, praeterea laurum fragilem, limum durabilem, ceram liquabilem, nee minus quae iam in opere serio scripsit :
falcibus et messae ad lunam quaeruntur aenis pubentes herbae nigri cum lacte ueneni. 20
29. 16 parantur <^ : paratur F {sed Itneant add. m. al.) 18 ad piscem capiundum del. Scriverius 21 nullam <p (u ina. mut. m. al,) : nullum F {fuit fortasse a)
30. 8 similia<^
APVLEI APOLOGIA 30, 31
quaeritur et nascentis equi de fronte reuulsus
et matri praereptus amor, at tu piscium insimulator longe diuersa instrumenta magis attribuis, non frontibus teneris detergenda, sed dorsis squa- 25 lentibus excidenda, nee fundo reuellenda, sed profundo extra- henda, nee faleibus metenda, sed hamis inuncanda. postre- mo in maleficio ille uenenum nominat, tu pulmentum, ille herbas et surculos, tu squamas et ossa, ille pratum decerpit, tu fluctum scrutaris. memorassem tibi etiam Theocriti paria
30 et alia Homeri et Orphei plurima, et ex comoediis et tragoe- diis Graecis et ex historiis multa repetissem, ni te dudum animaduertissem Graecam Pudentillae epistulam legere nequiuisse. igitur unum etiam poetam Latinum attingam ; (en) uorsus ipsos, quos agnoscent qui Laeuium legere :
35 philtra omnia undique eruunt : ^
antipathes illud quaeritur,
trochiscili, ungues, taeniae,
radiculae, herbae, surculi,
saurae inlices bicodulae, 40 hinnientium dulcedines.
31 haec et alia quaesisse me potius quam pisces longe ueri simi- lius confinxisses (his etenim fortasse per famam peruulgatam fides fuisset), si tibi ulla eruditio adfuisset ; enimuero piscis ad quam rem facit captus nisi ad epulas coctus ? ceterum
5 ad magian nihil quicquam uidetur mihi adiutare. dicam unde id coniectem. Pythagoram plerique Zoroastri sectato- rem similiterque magiae peritum arbitrati tamen memoriae prodiderunt, cum animaduertisset proxime Metapontum in
24 detegenda L^ 29-30 parial et alia"! F ("1 add. al. m.) :
pa^ria* </> (fuit patria uel patria) 34 en add. Pricaeus ipsos]
dicam add. Rohde quos] del. Sabnasius Laeuium Lipsius :
lelium Fip 36 antipathes Pius : antiphates F(p 37 ungues
(p : unges F 38-39 surculi, saurae Sabnasius : surculis aurg F<p
40 hinnientium M'^U' : hinnientum Fcp
31. 5 magian (p : magiam F {litt. redintegratis) quicquam Salma- sius : quanquam Ftp : quemquam Beyie : quaquam Plasberg
APVLEI APOLOGIA 31
litore Italiae suae, quam subsiciuam Graeciam fecerat, a qui- busdam piscatoribus euerriculum trahi, fortunam iactus eius 10 emisse et pretio dato iussisse ilico piscis eos, qui capti tene- bantur, solui retibus et reddi profundo ; quos scilicet eum de manibus amissurum non fuisse, si quid esse in his utile ad magian comperisset. sed enim uir egregie doctus et ueterum aemulator meminerat Homerum, poetam multiscium uel 15 potius cunctarum rerum adprime peritum, uim omnem medicaminum non mari, sed terrae ascripsisse, cum de quadam saga ad hunc modum memorauit :
^ Tocra cfidp/xaKa y^rj, ocra rpecfieL eu/aeia )(^S(i)v itemque alibi carminum similiter : 20
Trj TrXeicTTa <f>ep€L ^etSo)/)©? apovpa <f3apiJLaKa, ttoXAo. /xev earOXa jxefxiypiiva, ttoWo. 8e Xvypd, cum tamen numquam apud eum marine aliquo et pisculento medicauit nee Proteus faciem nee Vlixes scrobem nee Aeolus follem nee Helena creterram nee Circe poculum nee 25 Venus cingulum. at uos soli reperti estis ex omni memoria, qui uim herbarum et radicum et surculorum et lapillorum quasi quadam colluuione naturae de summis montibus in mare transferatis et penitus piscium uentribus insuatis. igitur ut solebat ad magorum caerimonias aduocari Mercurius 30 carminum uector et illex animi Venus et Luna noctium conscia et manium potens Triuia, uobis auctoribus posthac Neptunus cum Salacia et Portuno et omni choro Nerei ab aestibus fretorum ad aestus amorum transferentur.
9 quibusdam cp : quibus dum F 11 emisse (f> : emissae {suprascr. em) F (Jiti. redintegratis ', quid fuerit^legi non potest) 13 emissurum 0 (e ex a) fuisse <p : fuisset jp quid esse (ee) Plasberg : quidem F
{litt. redintegratis) : quid * 0 (e eraso) 15 meminerat F {liti. redin-
tegratis ; futt -rit. in mg. rat et supra meminerat mm. aliae) : memi- nerat 0 17 mari] maris Groslotius ^w? scripsisse tuetur ascripsisse Casaubonus : scripsisset F: scripsisse (p 19 ^ roaa ktX. Horn.
II. xi. 741 : hTOca(papjuaKa hdei ocaTpe9ei eypeiaxftcov F 21-22 tt) irA«(TTa kt\. Od. iv. 229 : rh nAeicra 9eiP€i Ceidoopuc apoypa 9apMaKa noAAa]ueN€cBAaiuejUi (i m ras.) juonq noAAa de Ayfpa F 31 carminum auctor Groslotius : c. inuentor Stewech : animarum uector Scahger : a. euocator A cidalius : manium uector Scioppius 33 nerei"^" i^ (du
add. m. rec.) : nereidum </>
APVLEI APOLOGIA 32, 33
32 Dixi, cur non arbitrer quicquam negotii esse magis et piscibus. nunc, si uidetur, credamus Aemiliano solere pisces etiam ad magicas potestates adiutare. num ergo propterea quicumque quaerit et ipse magus est ? eo qui-
5 dem pacto et qui myoparonem quaesierit pirata erit et qui uectem perfossor et qui gladium sicarius. nihil in rebus omnibus tarn innoxium dices, quin id possit aliquid aliqua obesse, nee tam laetum, quin possit ad tristitu- dinem intellegi. nee tamen omnia idcirco ad nequiorem
10 suspicionem trahuntur, ut si tus et casiam et myrram ceterosque id genus odores funeri tan turn emptos arbitreris, cum et medicamento parentur et sacrificio. ceterum eodem piscium argumento etiam Menelai socios putabis magos fuisse, quos ait poeta praecipuus flexis hamulis apud Pharum
15 insulam famem propulsasse; etiam mergos et delfinos et scillam tu eodem referes, etiam gulones omnes, qui impendio a piscatoribus merguntur, etiam ipsos piscatores, qui om- nium generum piscis arte adquirunt. ' cur ergo tu quaeris ? ' nolo equidem nee necessarium habeo tibi dicere, sed per te,
20 si potes, ad hoc quaesisse me argue ; ut si elleborum uel cicutam uel sucum papaueris emissem, item alia eiusdem modi quorum moderatus usus salutaris, sed commixtio uel quantitas noxia est, quis aequo animo pateretur, si me per haec ueneficii arcesseres, quod ex illis potest homo occidi ?
33 Videamus tamen, quae fuerint piscium genera tam necessaria ad habendum tamque rara ad reperiendum, ut merito statuto praemio quaererentur. tria omnino nomi- nauerunt, unum falsi, duo mentiti ; falsi, quod leporem
5 marinum fuisse dixerunt qui alius omnino piscis fuit,
32. 4 quaerit] quaerit piscem V^ g sequiorem Brmttius 17 mercantur V^ i8 cur. . . quaeris? M^V^ : cu-^ . . . quaeris? 0 (J ^/? add. m. al.) : cu . . . quaeris F 21 parauerit <p (papaueris ■m. rec. in mg.)
33. 3 statu*"* F(-to m. al.) : statuto cj) : stato Z^ Rossbach nomi- nauerunt L^M^ : nominauerant F(/>
APVLEI APOLOGIA 33, 34
quern mihi Themison seruus noster medicinae non igna- rus, ut ex ipso audisti, ultro attulit ad inspiciendum ; nam quidem leporem nondum etiam inuenit. sed pro- fiteor me quaerere et cetera, non piscatoribus modo, uerum etiam amicis meis negotio dato, quicumque minus cogniti 10 generis piscis inciderit, ut eius mihi aut formam comme- morent aut ipsum uiuum, si id nequierint, uel mortuum ostendant. quam ob rem id faciam, mox docebo. mentiti autem sunt callidissimi accusatores mei, ut sibi uidentur, cum me ad finem calumniae confinxerunt duas res marinas 15 impudicis uocabulis quaesisse, quas Tannonius ille cum utriusque sexus genitalia intellegi uellet, sed eloqui propter infantiam causidicus summus nequiret, multum ac diu haesitato tandem uirile marinum nescio qua circumlocu- tione male ac sordide nominauit, sed enim feminal nullo 20 pacto reperiens munditer dicere ad mea scripta confugit et quodam libro meo legit : ' interfeminium tegat et femoris obiectu et palmae uelamento.'
Hie etiam pro sua grauitate uitio mihi uortebat, quod 34 me nee sordidiora dicere honeste pigeret. at ego illi contra iustius exprobrarim, quod qui eloquentiae patrocinium uulgo profiteatur etiam honesta dictu sordide blateret ac saepe in rebus nequaquam difficilibus fringultiat uel omnino 5 ommutescat. cedo enim, si ego de Veneris statua nihil dixissem neque interfeminium nominassem, quibus tandem uerbis accusasses crimen illud tam stultitiae quam linguae tuae congruens ? an quicquam stultius quam ex nominum propinquitate uim similem rerum coniectam ? et fortasse 10 an peracute repperisse uobis uidebamini, ut quaesisse me
6 Themison seruus Lipsitis : themis conseruus F<f> 8 inueni
Groslottus 15 finem] fidem Fulvius Ursinus 22 et (e)
quodam v
34. 7 interfeminium v\ interfemineum M^V^ \ interfeminam F (i super a add.): interfeminam (f> : interfeminia Hildebrand 10
coniectari 0 in ing. in. rec. ir ut quaesisse Salmashts e cod. : at quaesisse F : acquisisse <^ : si quaesisse M^
8
APVLEI APOLOGIA 34, 35
fingeretis ad illecebras magicas duo haec marina, uere- tillam et uirginal ; disce enim nomina rerum Latina, quae propterea uarie nominaui, ut denuo instructus accuses.
15 memento tamen tam ridiculum argumentum fore desiderata ad res uenerias marina obscena, quam si dicas marinum pectinem comendo capillo quaesitum uel aucupandis uolan- tibus piscem accipitrem aut uenandis apris piscem apri- culum aut eliciendis mortuis marina caluaria. respondeo
20 igitur ad hunc uestrum locum non minus insulse quam absurde commentum, me hasce nugas marinas et quiscilias litoralis neque pretio neque gratis quaesisse.
35 lUud etiam praeterea respondeo, nescisse uos, quid a me quaesitum fingeretis. haec enim friuola quae nomi- nastis pleraque in litoribus omnibus congestim et acer- uatim iacent et sine ullius opera quamlibet leuiter motis 5 flucticulis ultro foras euoluuntur. quin ergo dicitis me eadem opera pretio impenso per plurimos piscatores quaesisse de litore conchulam striatam testam habentem, calculum teretem, praeterea cancrorum furcas, echinorum caliculos, loUiginum ligulas, postremo assulas, festucas,
10 resticulas et ostrea fPergami f uermiculata, denique museum et algam, cetera maris eiectamenta, quae ubique litorum uentis expelluntur, salo exspuuntur, tempestate reciprocantur, tranquillo deseruntur? neque enim minus istis quae com- memoraui accommodari possunt similiter ex uocabulo
15 suspiciones. posse dicitis ad res uenerias sumpta de mari spuria et fascina propter nominum similitudinem : qui minus possit ex eodem litore calculus ad uesicam, testa
21 quiscilias Helm: quisquilias M'^ : quiscilias Fcp 35. 6 plurimos V^M^ et m. rec. in ntg. cp : plurimisos Fip 7 con- chulam M^V^ : conchalam F^ : concham T habentem F(p : hebetem V^ 8 echinorum v : echinum F^p 10 et ostrea pergami
uermiculata i^/) ; locus nondnni. sanatns'. ne ostrea pergam uermiculata Helm : et ostreorum terga uermiculata Braittius : et ostrea peregrina uermiculata Triller Pergami del. Lennep 11 litorum F(p {in
F m. al. tn locorum iimtanit) 17 calculus M^V^T'. calculos F^
APVLEI APOLOGIA 35, 36
ad testamentum, cancer ad ulcera, alga ad querceram ? ne tu, Claudi Maxime, nimis patiens uir es et oppido proxima humanitate, qui hasce eorum argumentationes 20 diu hercle perpessus sis ; equidem, cum haec ab illis quasi grauia et uincibilia dicerentur, illorum stultitiam ridebam, tuam patientiam mirabar.
Ceterum quam ob rem plurimos iam piscis cognouerim, 36 quorundam adhuc nescius esse nolim, discat Aemilianus, quoniam usque adeo rebus meis curat ; quanquam est iam praecipiti aeuo et occidua senectute, tamen, si uidetur, accipiat doctrinam seram plane et postumam ; legat uete- 5 rum philosophorum monumenta, tandem ut intellegat non me primum haec requisisse, sed iam pridem maiores meos, Aristotelen dico et Theophrastum et Eudemum et Lyco- nem ceterosque Platonis minores, qui plurimos libros de genitu animalium deque uictu deque particulis deque omni 10 differentia reliquerunt. bene quod apud te, Maxime, causa agitur, qui pro tua eruditione legisti profecto Aristotelis TTC/ot ^ioisiv y€V€<T€0)<;, Trept ^(i)0)v avaro/x^?, Trepl ^wwv L(TTopia<; multiiuga uolumina, praeterea problemata innumera eius- dem, tum ex eadem secta ceterorum, in quibus id genus 15 uaria tractantur. quae tanta cura conquisita si honestum et gloriosum illis fuit scribere, cur turpe sit nobis ex- periri, praesertim cum ordinatius et cohibilius eadem Graece et Latine adnitar conscribere et in omnibus aut omissa adquirere aut defecta supplere ? permittite, si 20 opera est, quaedam legi de magicis meis, ut sciat me Aemilianus plura quam putat quaerere et sedulo explorare. prome tu librum e Graecis meis, quos forte hie amici
18 querqueram Colvius : quercerum F<(> 20 proxima Ftp :
prolixa Stewech. aha alii frustra coniecere
36. 13 reN€ceiu F (maTOjiJoic F 14 ante e'lusdem m F hiatus esf, sed nihil omtssum 15 secta m. al. in ntg. (p : recta Fip 19 adnitar M^V^ : adniti^: adnititur (/> 21 operaest Helm (-ae est Scrivertus) 22 quam M^V^ AL^ : qua ({>, sed e suprascr, eadem manus : que F
3*
APVLEI APOLOGIA 36-38
habuere sedulique, naturalium quaestionum, atque eum 25 iiiaxime, in quo plura de piscium genere tractata sunt, interea, dum hie quaerit, ego exemplum rei competens dixero.
37 Sophocles poeta Euripidi aemulus et superstes, uixit enim ad extremam senectam, cum igitur accusaretur a filio suomet dementiae, quasi iam per aetatem desiperet, protulisse dicitur Coloneum suam, peregregiam tragoedia-
5 rum, quam forte tum in eo tempore conscribebat, earn iudicibus legisse nee quiequam amplius pro defensione sua addidisse, nisi ut audacter dementiae condemnarent, si earmina senis displicerent. ibi ego eomperior omnis iudices tanto poetae adsurrexisse, miris laudibus eum
10 tulisse ob argumenti sollertiam et coturnum facundiae, nee ita multum omnis afuisse quin accusatorem potius dementiae condemnarent.
Inuenisti tu librum ? beasti. cedo enim experiamur, an et mihi possint in iudicio litterae meae prodesse. lege
15 pauca de principio, dein quaedam de piscibus. at tu interea, dum legit, aquam sustine. —
38 Audisti, Maxime, quorum pleraque scilicet legeras apud antiques philosophorum. et memento de solis piscibus haec uolumina a me conscripta, qui eorum coitu progignan- tur, qui ex limo coaleseant, quotiens et quid anni cuiusque
5 eorum generis feminae subent, mares suriant, quibus mem- bris et causis discrerit natura uiuiparos eorum et ouiparos — ita enim Latine appello quae Graeci ^woroKa et looroKa — et, ne operose animalium genitum pergam, deinde de differentia
37, 4 peregregiam il/' T' : peregregium F(p 8 eomperior omnis V^ : comperio Romanis i^^ 10 cothurni tacundiam Fulvius Ursinus 16 legit, aquam ed. J unt. posterior : legit tanquam ^ : legit ta qua qua F{in mg. d.)
38. 5 subentant F^ (ex subent mutauit F) 7 zcoTOKaeicocTOKa F 8 operose ed. Jiint. posterior', perose F<P'. per omnes Casaubonus genitum Bosscha : genita Fcp ; genitus Casaubonus : genituras Jahn (genitura M^)
APVLEI APOLOGIA 38, 39
et uictu et membris et aetatibus ceterisque plurimis scitu quidem necessariis, sed in iudicio alienis. pauca etiam de 10 Latinis scriptis meis ad eandem peritiam pertinentibus legi iubebo, in quibus animaduertes cum me (collegisse res) cognitu raras, turn nomina etiam Romanis inusitata et in hodiernum quod sciam infecta, ea tamen nomina labore meo et studio ita de Graecis prouenire, ut tamen Latina mo j - neta percussa sint. uel dicant nobis, Aemiliane, patroni tui, ubi legerint Latine haec pronuntiata uocabula. de solis aquatilibus dicam nee cetera animalia nisi in communi- bus differentis attingam. ausculta igitur quae dicam. iam me clamabis magica nomina Aegyptio uel Babylonico ritu 20 percensere : (reXd^^eLa, fxaXaKCLa, fiaXaKoarpaKa, ^ovhpaKavua, oo-rpaKoSipfxa^ /cap^apdSovra, afji<f)L/3La, ActtiScotci, <^oA.(.8a)Ta, SepfjioTTTepa, CTTeyavoTroBa, ixovqpr], (rvvayeXaaTLKa — poSSUm etiam pergere ; sed non est operae in istis diem terere, ut sit mihi tempus adgredi ad cetera, haec interim quae dixi 25 pauca recita Latine a me enuntiata.
Vtrum igitur putas philosopho non secundum Cynicam 39 temeritatem rudi et indocto, sed qui se Platonicae scholae meminerit, utrum ei putas turpe scire ista an nescire, neglegere an curare, nosse quanta sit etiam in istis pro- uidentiae ratio an (de) diis immortalibus matri et patri ^ credere ? Q. Ennius hedyphagetica uorsibus scripsit ; in- numerabilia genera piscium enumerat, quae scilicet curiose cognorat. paucos uorsus memini, eos dicam :
12 collegisse res add. Helm cum me cognitu raras F(p {in </>
rar punctis deleta) : cum cognitu rara 5 : cum in eis cognitu rara edd. uett. ; cum res cognitu raras Bosscha 19 differentis (-tiis iam
Casaubomis Helm : differentes Fcp 21-23 caAuxeca jnoAaKei«
MaAaKOCTPOKa x^^^vdpaKQNfia ocxpaKOdepjiia K(itPx«P()d()NT« a]U9iBia >enidcoTa 9oAia<jL)Ta depjuonrepa necaNonodu juoNhph. cyNaf eAacriKa F
39. I utrum M^V^ \ uerum F(p 5 de diis v: diis /"</>
6 hedyphagetica ^/w^u/zors^ : hedyphageticis Smf mws : hed~fphagi- tica Fip a uersibus F^p (a del. Scriverius) : quae uersibus
V : qui uersibus Bosscha : cc uersibus Rossbach 8 cognouerat
F, sed eadem man. ue punctis dcleuit : cognorat </>
APVLEI APOLOGIA 39
Omnibus ut Clupea praestat mustela marina, 10 mures sunt Aeni, aspra ostrea plurima Abydi.
tMytilenae est pecten Charadrumque apudAmbraciae finisf. Brundisii sargus bonus est ; hunc, magnus si erit, sume. apriculum piscem scito primum esse Tarenti, Surrenti tu elopem fac emas, glaucumque aput Cumas. 15 quid scarum praeterii cerebrum louis paene supremi (Nestoris ad patriam hie capitur magnusque bonusque) tmelanurum, turdum, merulamque umbramque marinamt? polypus Corcyrae, caluaria pinguia, acharnae, purpura, muriculi, mures, dulces quoque echini.
20 alios etiam multis uorsibus decorauit, et ubi gentium quis- que eorum, qualiter assus aut iurulentus optime sapiat, nee tamen ab eruditis reprehenditur, ne ego reprehendar, qui res paucissimis cognitas Graece et Latine propriis et elegantibus uocabulis conscribo.
9 ut F(p : at Turnebus : ad Vahlen Clupea Cohtmna : clipeai^^ :
Clypeae Turnebus : Clupeam Vahlen 10 sunt Fcp ; sic L. Miilley
Aeni asprzL Helm : aen' aspera F: aeniaspera (p : Aeni ast aspra Turne- bus : Aeni asperaque Bergk Abydi v : abidimusi^/) 11 Mytilenae F(p non toleranduw. ad inittum uersus caradrumque Fip, dubiiatur
utrum sit loci nomen an piscis : carabusque Colvius : caprosque Casau- boHus : charadrusque L. Miiller Ambraciae m. al. in (p : umbraciae F<p : Ambraciai Salmasius finis F<p : finis del. Salmasius : fit
Helm, locus noyidunt sanatus : . . . mus ; Mytilenae ] est pecten crebrum finisque apud Ambraciai Baehrens : . . . mus ; Mytilenae [ est pecten Charadriqueapud Ambraciai ] finis coni. Butler: uliimant partem uersus uarie refingunt uiri doctisi^xxd Ambraciensis Casaubonus : apud Ambraci' finis doctus nescioquis : apud Ambraciotas Heinsius : apud Ambraciai [ finis ; Brundisio sargust L. Miiller 12-13 magnus erit si 1 sume ;
ast apriclum scito Colunina, deleto piscem (. . . si | sume ; apriclum piscem scito Pithoeus) 13 targenti F (sed g puncto deleiuni) :
tarrgenti 0 {rg puncto del.) 14 Surrenti tu Baehrens: surrentia
F<p Surrenti fac emas elopem Bergk apud Cumas F<p^ fortasse
corruptum : a-nb KvfXTjs Bergk : prope Cumas L. Miiller 15 scarum
F(p : scarus ? Bergk cerebrum m. al. in <p : celebrum Fip supre- mi (px suppremi F 17 melanurum F^p non tolerandum ad ini- tium uersus; fortasse cum Bergk legendum, quid merulam, turdum, melanurum umbra inque F(p, sed in <p in punctis deleto et lineola supra a addita 18 acharnae scripsimus (acarnae iam Salmasius) : c&rne F(p 19 purpura v: purpura Fp muriculi Turnebus : marriculi F<p : matriculi edd. Basil. 21 iurulentus Traube : iusulentus i^^
APVLEI APOLOGIA 40
Cum hoc satis dixi, turn aliud accipe. quid enim tandem, 40 si medicinae neque instudiosus neque imperitus quaepiam remedia ex piscibus quaero ? ut sane sunt plurima cum in aliis omnibus rebus eodem naturae munere interspersa atque interseminata, tum etiam nonnulla in piscibus. an 5 remedia nosse et ea conquirere magi potius esse quam medici, quam denique philosophi putas, qui illis non ad quaestum, sed ad suppetias usurus est? ueteres quidem medici etiam carmina remedia uulnerum norant, ut omnis uetustatis certissimus auctor Homerus docet, qui facit Vlixi 10 de uulnere sanguinem profluentem sisti cantamine. nihil enim, quod salutis ferendae gratia fit, criminosum est. ' at enim ' inquit * piscem cui rei nisi malae proscidisti, quem tibi Themison seruus attulit ? ' quasi uero non paulo prius dixerim me de particulis omnium animaHum, de situ earum 15 deque numero deque causa conscribere ac Hbros di/aro/Awi/ AristoteH et explorare studio et augere. atque adeo summe miror quod unum a me pisciculum inspectum sciatis, cum iam plurimos, ubicumque locorum oblati sunt, aeque inspe- xerim, praesertim quod nihil ego clanculo, sed omnia in 20 propatulo ago, ut quiuis uel extrarius arbiter adsistat, more hoc et instituto magistrorum meorum, qui aiunt hominem liberum et magnificum debere, si quo eat, in primori fronte animum gestare. hunc adeo pisciculum, quem uos leporem marinum nominatis, plurimis qui aderant ostendi ; necdum 25 etiam decerno quid uocent^ nisi quaeram sane accuratius, quod nee apud ueteres philosophos proprietatem eius piscis reperio, quanquam sit omnium rarissima et hercule memo- randa ; quippe solus ille, quantum sciam, cum sit cetera
40. 4 naturae ni. al. in <p : natura e F<p 6 esse M^V^Th : est
Fc^ 7 qui Fip : cui Hildebrand : quibus vel (quippe) qui coni.
Helm 8 usurus il/^ F-^ : usura /^<^ 14 Themison seruus
Lipsius : themis conseruus F<p i6 deque (Jjis) M^V^ : denique {his) F^ 17 atque] atque admiror quod V^ adeo summe Salmasiits : adeorum me F<p (rum in <